@BlackInformant A Chartreuse Explosives publication. Black news. Power analysis. Political economy.

New York. New York
Joined July 2008
BlackInformant retweeted
CBS deleted this post and reposted it admitting that their original one was misleading. And the misleading post from CBS was intentionally misleading, not an innocent mistake. CBS continues to lose credibility.
175
2,726
69
10,009
190,249
SOUTH CAROLINA — BLACK VOTERS TAKE TWICE THE HIT FROM POLLING-PLACE CLOSURES. THE STATE WON'T INTERVENE. In Clarendon County, South Carolina, Black residents make up roughly 42% of the population. But they're bearing a disproportionate share of the disruption after local election officials closed or consolidated six polling sites ahead of the November 3 election. According to the ACLU of South Carolina, more than 61% of the county's Black voting population is affected. Black voters are twice as likely as white voters to be caught up in the changes. Eight precincts now share just four voting locations. Roughly one in ten voting-age residents must travel outside their precinct to cast a ballot. The ACLU says the changes violate state law. County Democratic chair Patricia Pringle calls it deliberate voter suppression. And the South Carolina Election Commission? It says it doesn't intend to take further action. Who gave the board permission? That's the question at the center of this fight. During meetings in June and August, the Clarendon County Board of Voter Registration and Elections voted to eliminate the only polling locations serving five precincts, including Manning 1, Paxville, Panola, Sardinia-Gable and Summerton 2. Board chairman Edward Gamble characterized the consolidations as changes in location, according to the ACLU. But the organization argues that concentrating multiple precincts into shared facilities goes beyond an ordinary relocation. South Carolina law draws an important distinction. The General Assembly establishes precincts. Under a statute updated in 2025, Clarendon County's election board determines polling places with approval from a majority of the county's legislative delegation. Whether that approval was obtained for these changes remains unanswered in the reporting reviewed. That distinction matters. The board has administrative authority, but not unlimited authority. If the required approval wasn't obtained, the dispute goes beyond whether the changes were wise or fair. It becomes a question of whether the board followed the law. A disparity without an established motive Pringle, who also serves as county auditor, believes the Republican-controlled board is intentionally targeting Black voters. That accusation has not been proven. State election official Conway Belangia has offered conventional explanations for polling-place changes: inaccessible buildings, insufficient space, staffing shortages and other logistical problems. Those are legitimate reasons to reconsider a location. But listing possible reasons isn't the same as documenting why these particular sites were closed. Meanwhile, the ACLU's analysis identifies a substantial racial disparity. Consolidation can mean unfamiliar voting locations, additional travel and larger crowds sharing the same facilities. Whether those conditions ultimately reduce turnout remains unknown. What is already measurable, according to the ACLU, is which voters are disproportionately affected. The accountability gap The ACLU asked the State Election Commission to intervene. The commission declined. That leaves the disputed arrangements in place as Election Day approaches, with the ACLU considering further action. There are still basic questions that deserve answers: Who approved the closures? What documented conditions justified them? Were voters properly notified? And why did the changes affect Black voters at twice the rate of white voters? Clarendon County exposes something easily overlooked in voting-rights battles. Political power isn't exercised only through legislation, district maps or disputes over who can vote. It also operates through administrative decisions about where people vote, how easily they can reach those locations and which officials are accountable for changing them. In Clarendon County, the racial disparity is documented by the ACLU. The allegation of deliberate suppression remains unproven. And the legal basis for the closures still needs public scrutiny. With November 3 approaching, the officials responsible for those decisions have far less time to answer for them than the voters have to adjust. SOURCES & VERIFICATION Democracy Docket (Oct. 21, 2026): democracydocket.com/news-ale… WIS News 10 (Oct. 14, 2026): wistv.com/2026/10/14/aclu-ca… South Carolina General Assembly, Act 9 of 2025: scstatehouse.gov/sess126_202… U.S. Census Bureau, Clarendon County: census.gov/quickfacts/fact/t…
1
137
BlackInformant retweeted
MISSISSIPPI — THE STATE PUTS A PRICE ON DEFIANCE OF ITS ANTI-DEI LAW Mississippi is 36.8% Black. More than one in three residents. Now the state is moving closer to enforcing a law that could reshape how public schools and universities handle race, history, hiring and diversity programs. And it has a weapon more effective than political speeches: money. A federal appeals court has cleared a major legal obstacle to Mississippi House Bill 1193, an anti-DEI law that gives the state financial leverage over public education. The Fifth Circuit overturned a preliminary injunction blocking parts of the law. Unless another court intervenes, those provisions can take effect after the rehearing period. The case now returns to a different district judge, with its underlying constitutional challenges still unresolved. The law restricts mandatory diversity training, DEI statements, diversity offices and programs, and the teaching or promotion of certain concepts the state labels "divisive." But the real muscle is in the enforcement. After repeated complaints, Mississippi can withhold state funding until an institution complies. Think about what that means. A university doesn't have to lose a lawsuit to feel the pressure. Administrators facing complaints, legal bills and the possibility of losing state money may start shutting down programs, changing policies or avoiding controversial subjects before anyone orders them to. And in a state with America's largest Black population share, that pressure carries consequences well beyond campus politics. Black history programs, faculty initiatives, civil-rights education and institutions serving Black communities could face a new climate of uncertainty—even where particular activities remain legally protected. To be clear, the ruling doesn't declare every provision constitutional. It removes a preliminary legal barrier while the larger fight continues. The appeals court also distinguished between restrictions on public institutions and employees and the rights of students. But Mississippi doesn't need to win every constitutional argument to change institutional behavior. It only needs administrators to believe that defending a program could cost them their funding. That's the larger story. The state isn't simply arguing about what schools should teach. It's building a system in which financial pressure can help determine what public institutions are willing to defend. And when the price of defending something gets high enough, some institutions won't wait to be told to surrender it. Sources Fifth Circuit opinion: ca5.uscourts.gov/opinions/pu… Mississippi Legislature, HB 1193: billstatus.ls.state.ms.us/do… Associated Press: apnews.com/article/1b8404eda… U.S. Census Bureau QuickFacts: census.gov/quickfacts/fact/t…
1
143
Hi I’m Lindsey ! You’ve doom scrolled your way my art. Enjoy 😊
167
2,974
54
30,303
313,765
Teenagers dress as KKK for Halloween party—walk down neighborhood street yelling N-word. "We hate [N-words] !" they yell terrorizing families. Other teens laugh & encourage them to shout more hate. "One, two, three — bye [N-words] !" Boy filming calls them "the team"—so maybe those under the robes could be identified as participants in high school sports together. Witnesses say the crowd first gathered for a Halloween party at a residential house. Then the group wearing the KKK costumes decided to march down the residential streets & scream the N-word. Incident occurred on the Eastside of El Paso, Texas. Therealfitfamelpaso doesn’t have an active account on this platform—so posting first full length and credited video here to help raise awareness.
3,455
3,962
1,673
16,352
4,241,041
MISSISSIPPI — THE STATE PUTS A PRICE ON DEFIANCE OF ITS ANTI-DEI LAW Mississippi is 36.8% Black. More than one in three residents. Now the state is moving closer to enforcing a law that could reshape how public schools and universities handle race, history, hiring and diversity programs. And it has a weapon more effective than political speeches: money. A federal appeals court has cleared a major legal obstacle to Mississippi House Bill 1193, an anti-DEI law that gives the state financial leverage over public education. The Fifth Circuit overturned a preliminary injunction blocking parts of the law. Unless another court intervenes, those provisions can take effect after the rehearing period. The case now returns to a different district judge, with its underlying constitutional challenges still unresolved. The law restricts mandatory diversity training, DEI statements, diversity offices and programs, and the teaching or promotion of certain concepts the state labels "divisive." But the real muscle is in the enforcement. After repeated complaints, Mississippi can withhold state funding until an institution complies. Think about what that means. A university doesn't have to lose a lawsuit to feel the pressure. Administrators facing complaints, legal bills and the possibility of losing state money may start shutting down programs, changing policies or avoiding controversial subjects before anyone orders them to. And in a state with America's largest Black population share, that pressure carries consequences well beyond campus politics. Black history programs, faculty initiatives, civil-rights education and institutions serving Black communities could face a new climate of uncertainty—even where particular activities remain legally protected. To be clear, the ruling doesn't declare every provision constitutional. It removes a preliminary legal barrier while the larger fight continues. The appeals court also distinguished between restrictions on public institutions and employees and the rights of students. But Mississippi doesn't need to win every constitutional argument to change institutional behavior. It only needs administrators to believe that defending a program could cost them their funding. That's the larger story. The state isn't simply arguing about what schools should teach. It's building a system in which financial pressure can help determine what public institutions are willing to defend. And when the price of defending something gets high enough, some institutions won't wait to be told to surrender it. Sources Fifth Circuit opinion: ca5.uscourts.gov/opinions/pu… Mississippi Legislature, HB 1193: billstatus.ls.state.ms.us/do… Associated Press: apnews.com/article/1b8404eda… U.S. Census Bureau QuickFacts: census.gov/quickfacts/fact/t…
1
143
BlackInformant retweeted
These candidates hide from public events and basic questions for a reason.
Oh boy, on the eve of Trump’s visit to Mississippi, Cindy Hyde-Smith *doubles down* on her other “proteins to choose from” comment. “Thank goodness when mothers want to feed their families when you go out shopping, there are proteins, you want to feed meat, there are some cheaper prices. And that’s what that statement was about.” #mssen
1
7
13
918
BlackInformant retweeted
Ali Vitali asks Hakeem Jeffries: "Do you acknowledge the Democrats might win the House and still have a lot of work to do to win back the trust and favor of an American public that polls show still isn't too hot on the party?" What do y'all think of his answer?
51
18
34
195
132,509
BlackInformant retweeted
Trump: I looked at one hell of a beautiful ass before, Nicki Minaj. That's hard to miss. Stand up.
919
1,132
1,315
12,221
21,070,851
A billionaire is spending nearly $200 million to become Georgia’s governor. Black voters may decide whether it works. Georgia could elect its first Black governor (and the first Black woman governor in American history) on November 3. But standing between former Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms and that milestone is a billionaire who has turned his personal fortune into one of the most expensive political campaigns in American history. Republican Rick Jackson has poured nearly $200 million of his own money into the governor's race. He made his fortune through Jackson Healthcare, a company that supplies workers to hospitals and healthcare systems. Now he's spending that wealth to take control of a state government that helps determine how healthcare, public money, criminal justice and voting administration operate. Bottoms, the Democratic nominee, reported raising $23.2 million since August, including major contributions from national Democrats and wealthy donors. That's serious money by ordinary political standards. Against Jackson's spending, it's another story. And here's where this gets interesting. Georgia has one of the country's largest Black electorates. Black voters have helped turn the state into a genuine political battleground. Now they're central to an election testing whether a billionaire can overwhelm traditional political organizing with enough television advertising, digital targeting, campaign infrastructure and paid messaging. This isn't just about which candidate gets the governor's mansion. Georgia's governor helps shape state budgets, Medicaid policy, agency leadership, appointments and criminal-justice priorities. Those decisions affect millions of Black Georgians, whether they voted for the winner or not. There's another story buried in the money. Jackson's spending is a windfall for political consultants, television stations, advertising firms and data companies. A remarkable amount of private wealth is being converted into political influence, with an entire industry collecting fees along the way. But money buys exposure, not obedience. Jackson can purchase advertising, hire sophisticated political operatives and put his message in front of virtually every Georgia voter. What he cannot purchase outright is the vote itself. That's what makes November 3 worth watching. Georgia isn't simply choosing between a billionaire businessman and a former big-city mayor. It's testing how far personal wealth can carry a candidate toward control of public institutions—and whether an electorate with substantial Black political power can overcome a massive financial imbalance. The real question isn't whether Rick Jackson can afford to run Georgia. It's whether Georgians will give him the keys.
2
290
BlackInformant retweeted
Abdul El-Sayed Explains Why America Must Be Big Enough for Everyone — Vic Mensa Makes His Point Clear Abdul El-Sayed: America is big enough for all of us. And if we’re not fighting for an America that’s big enough for everyone, don’t think you can make it on your own without bringing others along. As Michigan’s next U.S. senator, my job is to bring everybody with me. Whether you’re Arab American, Black in Detroit, or white in rural Michigan, you deserve good schools, good healthcare, and an equal opportunity to build a business without corporations picking your pocket. There’s a game some communities of colour have been encouraged to play: if we just push another group down, perhaps we’ll finally be accepted into the club. Vic Mensa: My point is that I don’t want to belong to any club if it means I can’t bring everybody with me. Abdul El-Sayed: In my conversations with Arab and Muslim communities, I’ve said we shouldn’t be surprised when people try to exclude us if we aren’t using our position to bring others along. And in conversations with Black communities, I’ve acknowledged that there’s a debt owed to them. Too often, people in the Arab and Muslim communities don’t fully appreciate the history that made their opportunities possible. Black churches helped organise against restrictive immigration policies, creating opportunities that allowed my father to come here. I owe that history a debt of gratitude. We build the America we need by standing together with people who don’t look like us, whether they’re Black, white, Asian, or Latino. Because there will always be politicians like Donald Trump and JD Vance telling us there’s only one seat left on the bus and that we must choose between ourselves and someone else. But we don’t have to accept that choice.
16
8
24
2,422
BET Is Now Inside an $80 Billion Debt Machine. Who Gets to Control Black Television? Black audiences helped turn BET into something bigger than a television network. It became a pipeline for Black talent, a marketplace for Black advertisers and one of the few major media institutions built around telling Black stories. Now that institution sits inside a media empire carrying more than $80 billion in debt. And the people controlling that debt also control BET's future. On October 6, Skydance completed its $110 billion acquisition of Warner Bros. Discovery, combining BET, CBS, CNN, HBO, MTV, Nickelodeon, Paramount+, HBO Max and dozens of other television, film and streaming businesses under one corporate roof. The new company employs more than 53,000 people. Its leadership is targeting at least $6 billion in annualized cost savings and other merger benefits within three years. That's $6 billion the company expects to find by combining operations, eliminating duplication and reorganizing how it does business. The question is what happens to Black media when the people controlling its distribution are under that much financial pressure. BET Media Group includes BET, BET Her, BET+, BET Studios, VH1 and a collection of digital and streaming channels. Together, they provide access to audiences, advertising relationships, production opportunities and decades of cultural programming. Those aren't just entertainment properties. They're economic assets. And the company that controls them can influence which projects receive funding, which creators get distribution, which advertisers reach Black consumers and who collects the revenue. Here's where the ownership structure matters. Louis Carr, a longtime BET executive, became the network's president in December 2025. But Carr reports into a larger television operation led by George Cheeks, Skydance TV's co-chair and chief content officer. Cheeks oversees BET alongside more than 50 cable networks, major television studios and CBS. Above that structure sit Skydance chairman and CEO David Ellison and co-CEO Ynon Kreiz. The Ellison family and investment firm RedBird Capital Partners hold the company's voting shares. Black leadership inside BET does not mean Black ownership of BET. And even before this latest merger, BET Studios had been reorganized as a label under CBS Studios. That's what corporate consolidation looks like in practice. A recognizable brand can remain in place while important decisions about production, budgets and distribution move elsewhere. Skydance says it intends to invest heavily in content. The combined companies spent more than $30 billion on content during the twelve months before the merger, and Skydance has committed to an ambitious theatrical release schedule through 2031. That scale could create opportunities for Black filmmakers, writers and independent producers. But a massive content budget doesn't tell us how much money will reach Black creators—or how much authority they'll have over the work. There's also a development that complicates BET's future. Under a September 30 federal court-approved merger settlement, BET and several related channels are specifically named among properties Skydance could be required to sell. The provision is conditional. If the company materially violates certain cable-distribution restrictions, fails to correct the violation within a six-month cure period and a court makes the required findings, Skydance must divest the designated channels. No such forced sale has been established. But the possibility is written into the merger's legal framework. And even a future sale raises another question: What exactly would a buyer acquire? The settlement distinguishes between the assets needed to operate a network and programming that the network merely licenses from outside rights holders. In other words, purchasing a television brand doesn't necessarily mean purchasing every show, archive or underlying creative right associated with it. That's an important distinction for anyone interested in returning BET to Black ownership. The real prize isn't simply the letters B-E-T. It's the ability to commission programming, own intellectual property, control distribution, negotiate advertising deals and build wealth from the culture being produced. And that's where the larger story sits. Black America has spent decades building cultural products that generate enormous commercial value. But the corporations that distribute those products often control the contracts, customer relationships, data and long-term profits. BET's new corporate home can provide more resources and a larger audience. It can also centralize decisions and prioritize debt reduction over investment in a distinct Black media institution. Which outcome wins remains an open question. But reach isn't ownership. Visibility isn't control. And being the audience doesn't mean you share in the profits. BET may continue putting Black faces on television. The question is whether Black people will have meaningful power over what gets produced, how the money is spent and who owns the value when the cameras stop rolling.
1
1
362
Sources Skydance BET brand description: skydance.com/about/brands/be… Skydance transaction announcement: skydance.com/news/press/para… The Guardian, October 24, 2026: theguardian.com/media/2026/o…
42
BlackInformant retweeted
Eddie Murphy Calls Out Jerry Seinfeld for Saying Bernie Mac Was the Best Comedian He’d Ever Seen And Couldn’t Believe He Put Him on Comedy’s Mount Rushmore Jerry Seinfeld: “You’re going to object, but I am a huge fan of Bernie Mac. I love Bernie Mac.” “I told you, I thought Bernie Mac was one of the funniest to me.” Eddie Murphy: “No, no, no. You didn’t say ‘one of.’ You said you thought he was the best that you’d ever seen do it.” “I said, I love Bernie, but the best? If you told anyone else that you thought he was the best, they would go, ‘Really?’” “We were doing our comic Mount Rushmore. We were saying, which comedians would be on Mount Rushmore?” “We were saying, like, Richard Pryor, Lenny Bruce… and then he goes, ‘Bernie Mac!’ And I’m like, what the fuck?” “And I love Bernie, but on Mount Rushmore? That’s…”
440
365
467
4,558
1,383,868