International Communist Party

International Communist Party (ICP) Website: international-communist-part… Email: [email protected] Facebook: facebook.com/internationalco… Instagram: instagram.com/internationalc… Telegram: t.me/theinternationalcommuni… Publishing House: clpublishers.com/

Mentre per noi comunisti lo sviluppo della forza del movimento operaio è un bene di per sé, a favore dell’obiettivo della rivoluzione e per il rafforzamento del partito, il gruppo che dirige l’Usb subordina l’estendersi degli scioperi e il consolidarsi del sindacalismo di classe ai suoi “obiettivi politici”, anche quando si pongano di traverso al movimento, dimostrando con ciò la sua natura opportunista. La decisione della dirigenza Cgil ha seguito una logica analoga: a fronte dello sciopero dell’Usb del 30 ottobre e di quello della Cub e del SI Cobas del 4 dicembre, ha promosso il “suo” sciopero generale, il 20 novembre, per non mettere in contatto i lavoratori che ancora rispondono alla sua chiamata con quelli che seguono i sindacati di base, per indebolire gli scioperi di questi ultimi e per promuovere gli obiettivi elettorali dei partiti della sinistra borghese che hanno influenza in quel sindacato di regime e che, in vista delle elezioni politiche del prossimo anno, compongono il cosiddetto “campo largo”. Ma, pur viziata dalla sua condotta opportunista, la scelta della dirigenza dell’Usb è stata corretta perché aspirava a raccogliere da un lato i venti di lotta che provenivano dall’Europa, in particolare dalla Francia, dall’altro il malcontento crescente per la crescita dell’inflazione in Italia, che nel Meridione aveva già messo in movimento padroncini agricoli e trasportatori. Abbiamo ripetuto queste nostre considerazioni – circa la bontà della scelta dello sciopero del 30 ottobre e la critica della condotta dell’Usb di divisione dell’azione dagli altri sindacati – in diverse riunioni dell’Usb, insieme ad altri militanti sindacali, nell’assemblea nazionale dei delegati dell’Usb Vigili del fuoco il 6 ottobre, nella conferenza d’organizzazione a Genova sabato 10 ottobre, nell’attivo dei delegati di Milano sabato 17 ottobre, e nella riunioni dell’esecutivo dei Lavoratori Autoconvocati del 14 ottobre e del 4 novembre. Oltre la palude di 100 anni di controrivoluzione si fa strada la lotta di classe: Considerazioni sulla giornata di sciopero generale del 30 ottobre, verso quella del 20 novembre, e l’indirizzo sindacale comunista | il Partito Comunista Internazionale n.442 | Aggiornato 12 settembre 2026 international-communist-part… facebook.com/story.php?story…

The doctrine and the programme that the party embodies are products of historical selection and not the brainchildren of useless geniuses. They have been fused together by History into one steel block over the course of tempestuous and bloody class struggles; which halfway through the 19th century introduced a new class, the proletariat. The party is a school of thought and a method of action. Doctrine, programme, tactics, and organization make up the party. The working class exists as such only by virtue of its party; without it the proletariat is a class only in a statistical sense. The existence of the party does not depend on the will of great chiefs, but rather on generations of its militants jealously guarding and keenly observing its fundamental features, and enforcing them in all their practical consequences; the party’s strength, meanwhile, depends on the development of social contradictions. For this reason, at certain points in history, it is reduced to a small number of resolute militants, at others it grows, increases its membership, and becomes a social force that can determine the outcome of the final clash with capital’s regime. For these reasons it is ruled out that the party can once again put itself at the head of the fighting masses, as in the glorious period between 1917-1926, by means of tactical expedients, diplomatic devices, promiscuous associations with other left-wing political groups, or innovations of sibylline significance in the field of the complex intertwining of the party/class relationship. What Distinguishes Our Party | 1969 | Now available on YouTube: youtube.com/watch?v=nT8UjBXl…

It is in this environment that dozens of American soldiers, unable to either resolve the contradictions of continuing to fight a bourgeois war for blatant resource exploitation or, as a class, consciously formulate a response to them, have chosen to commit various acts of nihilistic, legalistic, or otherwise petty-bourgeois and individualistic rebellion in lieu of class organizing. Military health and support organizations have reported surges in applications for “conscientious objector” status as these soldiers witness the rotten fruits of inter-imperialist war. A 25 year high in these applications was even reached as a result of the deep unpopularity and obvious moral quandaries of striking civilians. March through to August saw multiple instances of the use of graffiti on U.S. military bases’ bunker walls, ship hulls, and naval aircraft disparaging the Trump Administration and the State of Israel for their hands in the conflict; and earlier in September, eight U.S. sailors attempted to commit suicide, two of them by throwing themselves off of their ship. Thus, we see the beginnings of a spontaneous defeatism among rank-and-file soldiers that must be encouraged and directed toward proletarian ends. [...] Individual gestures, despair-induced abstention, and interclass pacifism are each a dead end. Graffiti is simply washed away; soldiers lost to wartime casualty or suicide are “mourned” and casually replaced; words are easily ignored. The class-collaborative mass marches of the "democratic opposition” and opportunist parties, which beg the bourgeoisie to be “less warlike” and appeal to its elections, courts, and Congress have never stopped an imperialist war and never will. War is the necessary outgrowth of capitalism in its imperialist phase, a cycle of construction, production, and destruction, the blood and refuse of exploitation staining its floors, walls, and machinery every step of the way, and it will end only when capitalism is ended. Neither Nihilism, Pacifism, nor Activism Will Save U.S. Soldiers! | The International Communist Party n.71, September-October 2026 | Now released: international-communist-part…

In England, the Green Party—a party of the radical petty bourgeoisie—shows a lamentable (intentional?) ignorance of the historical interests of the working class, and acts as a poison to the British workers movement. It is a party which claims to defend a generic and ill-defined “Palestinian people”, without highlighting that a bourgeoisie is clearly present and rules in Gaza, which became very obvious when at the height of the massacre perpetrated by the Israeli State, it bloodily repressed the courageous protests against the Hamas government, a.k.a the Islamic Resistance Movement. [...] Gaza today has the largest number of child amputees as a proportion of their population in the world, and in the West Bank we witness the nasty process of ethnic cleansing unfolding before our eyes with colonists, flanked by Israeli soldiers, intimidating Palestinians live on TV. Opportunism utilizes these tragedies to channel anger and resistance into maintaining capitalism. Palestine: Nationalism Against Proletarian Classism at the Green Party Congress in Great Britain | The International Communist Party n.71, September-October 2026 | Now released: international-communist-part…

The historical experience of Germany provides an illuminating example of the relationship between these reformist economic immediate programs, social democracy, capitalist crisis, and imperialist war. Following the revolutionary upheavals of 1918–1919 and the defeat of the revolutionary workers’ movement, the Weimar Republic, under the decisive influence of social democracy, preserved capitalist property relations while attempting to reconcile the antagonism between labor and capital through collective bargaining, social insurance, and State intervention. The revolutionary movement was defeated, and the social democratic promise of a gradual transition toward socialism remained confined within the limits of bourgeois society. When the world economic crisis shattered the foundations of this class compromise, the Nazi regime inherited an advanced industrial economy and institutions of State economic administration, redirecting them toward militarization, rearmament, and imperialist expansion. All of this was essential policy to maintain the labor aristocracy which was developing under social democracy and crumbling under the pressures of global economic crisis. War and the Nazi’s liquidationist policies allowed the social democrats’ social policies an extended life under Nazi rule. A raw truth was exposed that would later be reaffirmed through Roosevelt's New Deal: that the policies and programs of social democracy can only sustain themselves through a wave of nationalist chauvinism and the brutal expansion of imperialist slaughter. The ascendancy of a social democratic faction in the Democratic Party, and a resurgent Democratic Party to power in the halls of Washington amid a capitalist economic system steam rolling towards cataclysmic crisis and inter-imperialist war will have no different outcome than it has in the past. The Illusion of Shared Prosperity: Keynesianism, “Democratic Socialism” and Nazism's Shared Roots | The International Communist Party n.71, September-October 2026 | Now released: international-communist-part…

Opportunists of all shades love to pretend that they are so different from the bourgeois left, shouting about defending a unique form of democracy or inalienable rights. These cretins harken on about how it is them who are the true torchbearers of real democracy. All too familiar are the demands for a free press, equality, the right to vote, and self-determination. Maybe even the brave nationalization of a few companies are also inscribed on their banners! Whatever the case, allow us to confidently condemn this grotesque hodgepodge and say quite clearly: bourgeois-democratic—and national for that matter—slogans and demands are obsolete and reactionary all across the world now that capitalism is fully entrenched everywhere. Even the demand for self-determination of the nationally oppressed can no longer be useful! That is sure to ruffle some feathers, but worry not, the proletariat will instead struggle for the abolition of all national discrimination through “direct” communist revolution. We absolutely reject any defense of the right to vote as historically progressive—as is being pushed by opportunism today—or any other democratic right. AGAINST DEFENSE OF DEMOCRACY! U.S. Midterms: Inter-Bourgeois Power Struggle and Democratic Fascism | The International Communist Party n.71, September-October 2026 | Now released: international-communist-part…

South of the Mason-Dixon Line, which, by separating Pennsylvania from Maryland, was viewed as the border between North and South, the situation was very different, in that trade unionism remained at a minimal level until the end of the Civil War. The reason for this was that the working class was almost non-existent, because there was scarcely any industrial production, and the class was concentrated only in small firms, little more than artisanal, in commerce, in the ports, and in very rare cases within industries in some of the larger cities...After all, there were no really big cities; the economic and cultural spirit of the South was in the countryside, vast flatlands alternating with extensive wild or wooded areas, where millions of slaves produced the wealth that allowed a few thousand families to live in the lap of luxury. The Labor Movement in the United States Part 6 | Communist Left n.40-41, 2017 | Now available on YouTube youtube.com/watch?v=FmBG0B86…

The position of the genuine proletarian party on the question of the defence of the secular school cannot, therefore, differ from the attitude it must adopt towards any other challenge to the conquests of bourgeois society. Whether it concern political freedoms, the right of association and assembly, or the principle of the separation of Church and State, this attitude is determined not by the so-called absolute values of democratic ideology, but according to the real and practical demands of the class struggle and always in accordance with the proletariat’s own ultimate aim: the socialist revolution. At a time when the pseudo workers’ parties are once again flouting this fundamental principle by rallying behind a ‘defence of the secular school’ conducted under the banner of national unity and social peace, it is necessary not only to recall that the phase of defending democratic reforms is definitively closed in the era of totalitarian and imperialist capitalism, but also to show that the workers’ participation in such a crusade can only serve to sap what remains of their class energy. Secularism | Programme Communiste n.11, 1960 | Now translated into English: international-communist-part…

Stalin said – it was the need to preserve the regime that made him say it – that it was up to the communist parties to raise again the flags that had been mocked and trampled on by the bourgeoisie. The ruling class assigns no other task to traitors; it is the only job for which it pays them, handsomely. The class party, the Marxist revolutionary party, has no choice but to take note of this. We did so, as can be seen in the article that follows, on the eve of the general elections called for May 1952 – not for a year in the second half of the century, but for the entire span of time separating us from the revolution. In 1920, we said that the adoption of ‘revolutionary parliamentarism’, especially in advanced capitalist countries, was dangerous. Today, the balance sheet of many decades allows us to say that, regardless of good intentions, to try again would be defeatist: it would be tantamount, consciously or not, to giving a semblance of life back to what history itself, to our great joy, has killed; it would mean giving oxygen back to what the bourgeoisie – contradicting itself and proving us right – has shown to be nothing but a ghost. May the proletariat turn its back forever on the ignoble theatre of puppets, and seek the oxygen of great battles past and future – in Trotsky’s words – where it is only possible to breathe it: outside those walls, in the streets! Either Revolutionary Preparation or Electoral Preparation | 1906-1968 international-communist-part…

For Marxists, individual capitalists, as well as the capitalist State, have always pursued a powerful and effective policy, but in the interest of Capital. Marxism has never held that capitalism could not provisionally resolve its contradictions. Every day, ever since its inception, capitalism ‘resolves’ its contradictions in its own way. Its entire existence is nothing but the immediate resolution of immediate contradictions! But it always resolves them within the framework of capitalism, without touching the fundamental contradiction of capitalism, and this implies two things. First, that it always resolves them in the manner of a debtor hounded by creditors, who borrows to pay off their debts, only to end up getting deeper and deeper into debt. The capitalist way of resolving difficulties always amounts to sweeping them under the carpet today, only for them to resurface ten times worse tomorrow. So long as the capitalist system is not smashed, there is no other way to resolve the ‘problems of the day’. This is the ‘secret’ behind capitalism’s extraordinary dynamism; this is why, in two centuries, it has had to overturn the entire globe, why it runs always forward, always faster. On the other hand, capitalism cannot resolve its contradictions ‘gently’: war, massacres, and destruction are one of the ways of resolving the crisis...In the face of these narrow views held by pedantic philistines, and in the face of the pretensions of the bourgeois, we uphold the ‘old’ Marxist thesis: the contradictions of capitalism are always ‘resolved’ in violent crises and cataclysms that shake the whole of society to its core. Capitalism can only overcome the difficulties of the present by creating even more serious difficulties for the future. Crises and upheavals are becoming increasingly violent, deeper, and more widespread. Old idealism, ‘new’ utopia. Marxism Against Utopia | Programme Communiste n.15, April-June 1961 | Now translated into English: international-communist-part…

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Thus the capitalist and the wage-earner emerge where until then only one figure existed: the artisan. But the laws of the old society prevent this social differentiation from becoming general: reactionary rules stand in the way of the transformation of techniques and of the organisation of the various trades; the development of industry, which threatens the dominance of the landowners, is held back; commodities cannot circulate freely either within the various nations or outside them. The bourgeois revolution is born from this contrast: it is a social war unleashed and led by the capitalists to free themselves from their dependence on the old ruling classes; to free the forces of production from the old restrictions, and the masses of artisans and small proprietors from both servitude and restrictions alike: for them to become wage-earners, they must, in fact, be set free to bring their labour power to market. This is the first phase of the bourgeois epoch. The watchword of capitalism at this stage is the unlimited freedom of all economic activities, the repeal of all laws, and the removal of all obstacles that political power placed in the way of the right to produce, purchase, circulate, and sell for money all commodities, labour power included. The Three Phases of Capitalism | Programme Communiste n.11, 1960 | Now translated into English: international-communist-part…

Lo SCIOPERO INTERNAZIONALE DEI PORTUALI – promosso oggi da USB in Italia, da altri sindacati conflittuali come la Cgt Porti in Francia, l’Enedep in Grecia, il Ver.di del porto di Amburgo e da decine di altri sindacati nel mondo – è di grandissima importanza perché indica l’unità internazionale dei lavoratori nello sciopero quale via per opporsi alla guerra imperialista. Il cancro inguaribile del capitalismo e della sua economia finalizzata al profitto è la sovrapproduzione, che affligge i capitalismi cosiddetti “occidentali” già da metà anni ‘70. La Cina – insieme ad altri capitalismi nazionali un tempo giovani – per quasi 40 anni ha salvato l’economia capitalista mondiale, grazie ai bassi salari della sua classe operaia. Ora che è entrata anch’essa in crisi di sovrapproduzione, per il capitalismo si avvicina il tracollo economico. È questa la causa materiale della marcia del capitalismo verso la terza guerra mondiale. La guerra è l’unica àncora di salvezza del capitalismo morente perché distrugge le merci in eccesso che impediscono la crescita del capitale: fabbriche, infrastrutture, città e soprattutto la merce forza-lavoro, i proletari. È il capitalismo che porta alla guerra non il “folle” tiranno o regime di turno, spiegazione usata dalle propagande di tutti i regimi borghesi per convincere la classe lavoratrice che la guerra è invece provocata da un nemico esterno, da combattere se si vuole tornare alla pace. Queste menzogne cercano di imprigionare i lavoratori nella sterile logica aggressore-aggredito. Ma alle borghesie di tutti i paesi nulla importa chi inizi la guerra: l’importante è che essa maturi e scoppi. Il solo vero aggredito è il proletariato internazionale! Il capitalismo morente prepara la guerra: Solo la classe lavoratrice può fermarlo, lottando in difesa delle proprie condizioni di vita, unita al di sopra dei confini nazionali | Il Partito Comunista Internazionale n.442 | 30 ottobre international-communist-part…

No longer individual as a human person, a cell of society, but human society treated as a single organism, living a single life: in this form enters science the naive and sublime myth of immortality, attributed by child human thought to the individual (“Trivial Regurgitation of Enlightenment”). Conquered, then, is death, in the future communist society, as Francis sang, sister our bodily death, from which no living man can escape, which, together with brother sun, moon and stars, wind and water, fire and earth, represents the flow of species life in all its forms of energy. When Death is Not Scary | Il Partito Comunista n.149, 1987 | Now available on YouTube youtube.com/watch?v=kdBd2z36…

It is only on the surface that the Cuban movements, of which the ‘barbudos’ have been and remain the iconic figures, are linked to those that have shaken the traditional order in Asia and Africa to its very foundations. The violent struggle against imperialism and the major monopolies is a common feature of both. However, in the case of the Afro-Asian countries, the struggle for national independence, which aims at the establishment of unitary States (and is therefore directed against the colonial powers and the financial yoke of imperialist capitalism) masks a broader, more fundamental aspect of the struggle against traditional, feudal, or para-feudal structures. In Cuba, and in Latin America in general, albeit to varying degrees, capitalism has, for decades now, been imported by the United States and other capitalist countries, and the domestic economy has long featured a fundamentally bourgeois structure and, consequently, a social structure resting on a substantial and overexploited proletariat. The Two Faces of the Cuban Revolution | Programme Communiste n.16, July–September 1961 | Now translated into English: international-communist-part…

In discussing the agrarian question, we believe that the fundamental, original, monolithic theory of surplus profits has been developed, which includes all types of rent (not just ground rent). It is clear from the earliest theorems of Marxism that the amount of surplus profits is progressive, simultaneously with the decline in the average rate of social profit. Marx himself, among many other phenomena, explains the influence of capital concentration: even among the most superficial critics, no one ignores that the law of concentration is given in the very first texts, even before Capital. Now, the average rate is derived from the sum of all profits in relation to all capital, of small, medium and large companies, and the simple size of the company is a reason for greater profit: therefore, small companies operate at sub-profit, below the average rate, to the large one at surplus, considering the whole picture of industrial society in the same era. As capital becomes concentrated in fewer companies, the increased mass of profit is divided amongst an ever smaller number of profitable companies: but the total capital of these few but vast companies grows even more, and with it the mass of products. Hence: increase in production, decrease in the number of companies, increase in the average capital of each company, increase in the total mass of profits, but the latter less rapidly than the increase in production – and social consumption in all fields – and therefore a fall in the average rate. Volcano of Production or Swamp of the Market? | Il Programma Comunista n.15, 7-27 August 1954 international-communist-part…

Il capitalismo ha avuto una sua fase progressiva che ha permesso di sviluppare produzione, tecnica e scienza ma la sua funzione storica è, da diverso tempo, esaurita! Immense capacità produttive, che potrebbero soddisfare i bisogni materiali di tutta l’umanità, sono subordinate alla logica del profitto; il capitale deve continuamente crescere, conquistare mercati e ridurre i costi per competere. Questo intensifica lo sfruttamento del lavoro, devasta l’ambiente e concentra la ricchezza, costringendo milioni di persone a vivere nella povertà e nell’indigenza. La concorrenza sempre più asfissiante, per accaparrarsi mercati, risorse e aree di influenza arriva al punto che la guerra commerciale passa sul piano militare e i circa 60 conflitti attualmente in corso nel mondo – fonte ONU – ne sono la dura dimostrazione. Queste non sono semplici deviazioni o pruriti del “folle tiranno” di turno: sono contraddizioni del sistema! Il capitalismo marcia inesorabilmente con le sue logiche ed è utopistico pensare che esso si possa riformare: non esiste un capitalismo dal volto umano! Tutti i governi, di qualsiasi colore politico – di destra, centro o sinistra – sono e saranno sempre gli esecutori degli interessi della classe dominante e del capitale L’unica alternativa alla barbarie capitalista è il comunismo: una società senza classi, senza lavoro salariato e senza moneta, nella quale i prodotti e il lavoro non siano più una merce da vendere. In cui produrre e distribuire secondo i bisogni reali dell’umanità, non la capacità di pagare. Una comunità fraterna fondata sulla cooperazione, non sull'egoismo individuale e sulla concorrenza! Battersi per questa alternativa significa lottare oggi in difesa dei bisogni dei lavoratori e delle loro famiglie, dei giovani come dei pensionati: per aumentare i salari, pensioni, contro la precarietà, per la riduzione dell'orario di lavoro. Il contributo dei giovani della classe lavoratrice a questa lotta è essenziale, con la loro partecipazione agli scioperi e alle manifestazioni. Servono organizzazione e impegno. Prepararsi oggi significa essere pronti a un nuovo “assalto al cielo” quando matureranno le condizioni materiali, per liberarci da questo sistema morente. Per questo è necessario ingrossare le fila del Partito Comunista Internazionale. Ai giovani proletari: CONTRO IL CAPITALISMO E LE SUE GUERRE, PER UNA SOCIETÀ SENZA SFRUTTAMENTO! | Il Partito Comunista Internazionale n.442 | Sabato 24 ottobre 2026 international-communist-part…

The Communist International, founded by Lenin, was destroyed by Stalin and the Stalinists under the pretext of ‘building socialism in one country’. It is clear today that in Russia socialism was never built, but indeed capitalism. The socialism of Lenin and Marx, the goal which the proletariat must pursue in order to achieve its own emancipation, remains, therefore, even today, the only goal worth fighting for. It remains, even today, the true and only programme that characterises the emancipation of wage slaves, the programme that the International Communist Party has always defended and continues to defend. This is the programme for which the struggle must begin anew! Hegel, Stalin, and... Sewing Machines | Programme Communiste n.31, April–June 1965 | Now translated into English international-communist-part…

We saw how the early 1830s were characterized by renewed trade union activity, partly owing to a general worsening in working class living standards. A large number of banks seemed to pop up from nowhere following the destruction of the Central Bank by Andrew Jackson; banks which flooded the country with paper money and triggered a serious inflationary spiral. We recall that the North had always been the stronghold of the pro-centralization “Federalist” Party, which advocated strong federal government and the creation of a powerful Union Bank; objectives which, especially to begin with, served commercial and later industrial interests in the North. The interests of the South were instead better represented by the “Democratic” Party, which supported decentralization and maximum autonomy for the individual states, fearful that the central government could end up in the hands of a financial oligarchy. In addition this party defended the interests of agriculture against those of other economic sectors and small enterprises against the large. These objectives were shared not only by the farming population in the South, but also by a large part of the popular masses in the North, composed in the main of small-holders and artisans. The Labor Movement in the United States Part 5 | Communist Left n.38-39, 2016 | Now available on YouTube youtube.com/watch?v=2kjwZ3uI…

Far from being the result of imperialist exploitation, poverty, it is claimed, is self-perpetuating: this is the ‘vicious circle of poverty’. In these countries – so this ‘theory’ goes – the capacity to save is low, precisely because incomes are low; and if they are low, it is because productivity is insufficient. Why? Because there is a lack of capital, and as its scarcity stems from the low capacity to save, the circle is complete. In reality, there is no such thing as a ‘destiny’ for underdeveloped countries to remain underdeveloped, any more than there was in the last century in European countries, which at that time had already reached a level of industrialisation comparable to that of today’s ‘third world’. Quite the contrary, the relative stagnation of the formerly colonised countries is due directly to imperialism. Imperialism and Underdeveloped Countries | Le Prolétaire n.80, 1970 international-communist-part…