Prakash Tripathi 🇮🇳

When I read the Upanishads, my tears start flowing. How great is this knowledge? It is necessary for us to especially adopt the brilliance contained in the Upanishads in our lives. #Hinduism #Vedic_Sanatan_Dharma

The pattern of untimely deaths among senior CONgress leaders whether by assassination, plane crash, or road accident systematically eliminated potential independent power centres and left Sonia Gandhi as the unchallenged matriarch of a party reduced to a hereditary fiefdom. Indira Gandhi was assassinated in 1984 by her own security detail after Operation Blue Star. Sanjay Gandhi died in a 1980 plane crash while flying. Rajiv Gandhi was killed in 1991 by an LTTE suicide bomber. Rajesh Pilot died in a 2000 jeep-bus collision near Dausa. Madhavrao Scindia perished in a 2001 Beechcraft crash near Mainpuri; multiple accounts, including from K. Natwar Singh, noted he was widely viewed as a credible future prime ministerial contender who might have headed the 2004 UPA government instead of Manmohan Singh. Y. S. Rajasekhara Reddy’s 2009 helicopter crash in the Nallamala forests was officially attributed by the CBI and the Tyagi Committee to pilot error and poor judgment in adverse weather, with no evidence of sabotage found yet it removed a powerful regional satrap whose popularity complicated central control. Dr. Shrikant Jichkar, the polymath with roughly twenty degrees, former youngest MLA, minister, and Rajya Sabha MP, died in a 2004 car bus collision near Kondhali; a tribunal later apportioned primary blame to the bus driver. These events have documented causes. What is also documented is the political outcome: successive removal of leaders who possessed independent stature, mass appeal, or the capacity to challenge dynastic succession. After Rajiv’s death Sonia declined politics for years, joined the CONgress only in 1997, and became president in 1998. She thereafter exercised remote control for two decades, installed a technocrat prime minister while retaining ultimate authority, and converted the organisation into a vehicle for her children’s political inheritance. Potential alternatives Scindia’s national stature, Pilot’s grassroots energy, YSR’s regional dominance, Jichkar’s intellectual and administrative credentials were no longer present to demand internal democracy or merit-based leadership. A party that once produced multiple national figures became, under her stewardship, structurally incapable of elevating anyone outside the family. Official investigations cleared the later crashes of conspiracy; the consistent beneficiary of the resulting vacuum was nevertheless the same individual who arrived as an Italian born outsider, acquired citizenship, and ended by monopolising the only major opposition party’s direction. The “long game” is visible not in unverified plots but in the concrete result: a once broad organisation reduced to a private preserve whose leadership is inherited rather than earned.

Kangana Ranaut has done what an entire generation of journalists refused to do: she has asked the questions that the UPA’s ecosystem buried under Padma awards, access, and fear. For a decade, Sonia Gandhi’s National Advisory Council operated as an extra constitutional parallel power centre that systematically pushed policies hostile to Hindu interests and national security. The Communal Violence Bill was drafted to criminalise the majority while treating organised violence by minority groups as a protected category. Hamid Ansari was elevated to Vice President despite a record of statements that consistently downplayed jihadi terrorism and aligned with Islamist narratives. Godhra was deliberately kept “disputed” long after investigations established the local conspiracy. Ram Mandir was stalled for decades. Jihadi bomb blasts were repeatedly projected as “Hindu terror” until courts dismantled the fiction. Defence deals and China facing economic concessions were pushed through while border infrastructure lagged. Robert Vadra received extraordinary privileges that ordinary Indians never would. Antiques and heritage assets left the country with suspicious ease. These were not accidents. They were the operating pattern of a regime that treated Hindu civilisational assertion as the enemy and minority appeasement plus dynastic control as the governing principle. Most of the media stayed silent because silence was rewarded. Kangana has broken that silence. The record is public. The questions are overdue. The answers are already known to anyone who lived through those years. The era of manufactured consensus is over.

The final moments of that clip are indeed heartbreaking. Young Maneka remains seated, gazing at Indira Gandhi like a wounded child desperately seeking the smallest sign of comfort a glance, a faint smile, any acknowledgement yet receives only cold indifference before she fades from view as though she no longer exists. This was no ordinary family tension. After Sanjay Gandhi’s death in a plane crash on 23 June 1980 while flying a Pitts S-2A near their residence, his young widow and infant son were expelled from the household in March 1982. Contemporary reports and Maneka’s own statements recorded that she was ordered out for political activities that Indira viewed as a challenge, clearing the path for others. Contrast this with the trajectory of Edvige Antonia Albina Maino, the Italian born woman who met Rajiv Gandhi in 1965 at a Greek restaurant in Cambridge while she studied English and he pursued engineering. They married in 1968, and she entered the most powerful political family in independent India. What followed is a documented sequence that has never received the scrutiny it deserves: Sanjay, the favoured son being groomed for succession, dies in the 1980 crash; Maneka and Varun are removed; Indira Gandhi is assassinated by her bodyguards on 31 October 1984; Rajiv Gandhi is assassinated by an LTTE suicide bomber on 21 May 1991. Later, senior CONgress leaders widely seen as potential alternatives or independent voices Rajesh Pilot (road accident, 11 June 2000), Madhavrao Scindia (plane crash in bad weather, 30 September 2001), and Dr Shrikant Jichkar (car collision with a bus near Nagpur, 2 June 2004) also met sudden ends. Official inquiries cited pilot error, weather, or traffic accidents for several of these, yet the cumulative result was unmistakable: potential heirs and independent power centres within CONgress were eliminated or sidelined, leaving the foreign born widow as the unchallenged controlling force of the party for decades. Kangana Ranaut is right to call this a series of “way too many coincidences.” A mysterious foreign national enters, the natural successors vanish one after another, the vulnerable daughter-in-law is cast out, and the same individual heads the CONgress and effectively controls governments until the Bharatiya Janata Party under Narendra Modi ended that arrangement in 2014. No amount of memoirs or selective nostalgia can erase the factual timeline or the questions it raises about convenience and power. India has moved on; the dynasty’s grip has been broken. The nation no longer needs to treat such sequences as unexamined destiny.

Anjezë Gonxhe Bojaxhiu was never a pure humanitarian. She was a de facto agent of Vatican City operating in India under the cover of charity. Her Missionaries of Charity were founded with direct Vatican approval and placed under its jurisdiction. She advanced the Church’s doctrinal agenda especially its rigid opposition to contraception and abortion while using the suffering of the Indian poor as raw material. In her own 1992 speech at the Scripps Clinic she boasted that roughly 29,000 people who died in her Kalighat home received “the special ticket for St. Peter,” her term for baptism. Dying Hindus and Muslims, often too weak for genuine consent, were harvested as souls. This was missionary work, not selfless seva. True Hindu service never demands conversion of the dying as the price of care. She was equally useful to the United Nations. She addressed the UN General Assembly in 1985; the then Secretary General called her “the United Nations” itself. The UN later named an International Day of Charity after her. Western institutions and the UN apparatus elevated her as the acceptable face of poverty work in India, giving global legitimacy to an operation whose facilities remained primitive despite massive foreign donations. The Lancet’s 1994 report documented the reality inside her “Houses of the Dying”: almost no doctors, untrained volunteers making medical decisions, no strong painkillers, reused needles, and a deliberate preference for spiritual suffering over proper treatment. She accepted advanced Western medicine for herself while denying the same to the destitute whose pain she marketed to donors. The money trail is equally clear. Huge sums arrived from Western sources, including over a million dollars from convicted fraudster Charles Keating, for whom she wrote a character reference to the judge. She took funds and honours from the Duvalier dictatorship. There was never meaningful public accounting. Critics, including former members of the order, have long noted that far more went to expanding the religious network than to medical care. What was sold to India and the world as compassion was, in practice, a Vatican backed, UN lauded operation that glorified suffering, baptised the vulnerable, and extracted both souls and soft power. Hindu dharma values service without conversion. This was the opposite.

This is not student politics. This is predatory exploitation dressed in the language of “companionship.” Anas Khan, NSUI Vice President at Ramanujan College, Delhi University, stands accused of entering freshers’ WhatsApp groups containing 17–18-year-old girls and soliciting them as paid companions for older NRI men. The reported messages specify “good physique,” “pleasing personality,” and “open-mindedness,” offering ₹10,000–₹30,000, gifts, free Diljit Dosanjh concert access, presidential lounge entry, and travel in exchange for “entertaining” these men for a night. The maximum age mentioned is 22. The same individual who marches by day for women’s safety is alleged to have treated the very same campus girls as commodities by night. When the girls recognised the intent, they removed him and filed a complaint.​ This is not a misunderstanding. It is the classic pattern of targeting young, vulnerable women especially freshers far from home with money, status access, and flattery to push them toward sexualised “service.” Calling it “open minded companionship” does not change what it is: organised solicitation that treats college girls as inventory. The hypocrisy is total. Public slogans about safety and empowerment collapse the moment private messages seek girls of a particular age and body type for older men with cash. Delhi University and Delhi Police must treat the preserved messages as evidence and investigate immediately. Innocent college girls are not bargaining chips for any political outfit’s vote bank or any individual’s side business. NSUI’s silence or deflection will only confirm that protecting their man matters more than protecting the students whose safety they claim to champion. The girls who called this out deserve protection and justice, not political cover.

Neha Bora and her left liberal ecosystem have perfected the art of selective environmentalism. They weaponise air quality data only when Hindus celebrate Diwali or Holi, yet maintain complete silence on the environmental and public health consequences of mass animal sacrifice during Eid al Adha. Diwali firecracker emissions produce a well documented, short lived spike in PM2.5 and SO₂. Scientific studies confirm this episodic increase, which is why green crackers were permitted and time windows were imposed. That spike, however, remains a fraction of the year round load from vehicular emissions, industrial activity, construction dust and stubble burning the very sources Neha Bora herself has recently highlighted. Holi’s colours, when chemical free, are a one day cultural expression, not a systemic pollution crisis. Contrast this with Bakrid. Municipal records show Hyderabad alone generated 4,725 metric tonnes of animal waste in a single festival period. Bengaluru has repeatedly reported nearly 2,000 tonnes of blood, offal and carcass waste, much of it entering stormwater drains and sewers because temporary slaughter infrastructure is inadequate. Health officials have warned of water contamination, foul odour, fly breeding and disease risk. These are not abstract figures; they are documented municipal clean up operations involving hundreds of vehicles. Yet the same activists who demand bans on Hindu festivals never organise, petition or even tweet about designated slaughter zones, scientific waste disposal or blood runoff controls for Eid. This is not environmental concern. It is ideological targeting. Hindu festivals are treated as pollutants to be regulated or banned; practices involving large scale animal slaughter are treated as culturally immune. If the metric is genuine ecological harm particulate matter, water pollution, solid waste, public health consistency demands equal scrutiny. The selective outrage reveals that for many left liberals, the environment is merely a convenient stick with which to beat Hindu cultural practices while protecting their preferred vote bank and ideological alliances. Hindu festivals predate modern air quality indices by millennia. They can and should evolve toward greener practices as they already have with green crackers and eco friendly colours without being singled out for abolition by people who refuse to apply the same standard elsewhere.

While the CONgress family spends its days inventing “vote chori” theories that collapse under the slightest scrutiny, Devendra Fadnavis is doing what the Gandhi dynasty has never done: governing for the farmer. ₹36,585 crore farm loan waiver. ₹48,000 crore electricity dues write off. Combined relief of ₹84,585 crore. On top of that, ₹5,000 transferred directly into the accounts of 1.5 crore farmers before Diwali. This is not a press conference promise. This is money that has already moved. Fadnavis spent Diwali inside a drought hit farmer’s home in Lohari Sawanga. He ate their food, heard their problems, and stayed. Prime Minister Modi publicly appreciated the gesture because it reflects a style of politics the Gandhi siblings neither understand nor practise. Their idea of “connecting with farmers” is a carefully staged photo op followed by a flight back to Lutyens’ Delhi. Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi Vadra have one answer for every electoral setback: the Election Commission stole the vote. Maharashtra farmers are not voting for the BJP because names were deleted from lists. They are voting for a government that has written off their debts, cleared their electricity arrears, and put cash in their hands when the monsoon failed. When the same farmers stand with the BJP in 2029, the cry of “vote chori” will not be analysis. It will be the confession of a party that has nothing left to offer except conspiracy theories. The Gandhi family inherited power, lost it, and has spent a decade trying to explain the loss through slogans. Fadnavis inherited a state and is delivering results. Farmers know the difference. In 2029 they will say it with their votes. The CONgress can call it whatever it likes. The numbers, the transfers, and the night spent in a farmer’s house will remain.

Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu is right to demand a rigorous, evidence based examination of forced and induced conversions in Andhra Pradesh’s Agency areas, and the political consequences they appear to have produced. The recent ZPTC and MPTC results show a clear divergence: while the NDA swept most of the state, YSRCP retained significant ground in tribal Agency districts such as Alluri Sitharama Raju and Polavaram. Naidu has correctly flagged that this pattern is not accidental and has asked for a factual study of the inducements to which tribal voters may have been subjected. That is not communal rhetoric; it is responsible governance. Agency areas are home to vulnerable Scheduled Tribe communities whose ancestral faiths, customs, and social structures have long been targeted by organised conversion networks. These networks typically do not rely on free intellectual persuasion. They rely on material inducements cash, free education, healthcare, jobs, housing, or access to welfare schemes combined with social pressure and, in many documented cases, outright coercion. Such methods fall squarely outside the protection of Article 25 of the Constitution, which guarantees freedom of conscience, not the right to purchase or pressure people out of their faith. The previous YSRCP government faced repeated and specific allegations of facilitating precisely this pattern: religious identity becoming a criterion for political favour, pressure on individuals to convert, and the projection of Hindu identity in public while conversions were encouraged in private. Naidu has publicly cited instances, including allegations involving families connected to the previous dispensation, and has already directed the administration to prevent forced conversions and protect the sanctity of temples. His current call to study the Agency areas is a logical continuation of that position. Census data already shows a measurable rise in the Christian population among Scheduled Tribes in the region over recent decades, even as official statewide Christian numbers remain low. Multiple independent reports and ground level accounts from tribal belts across India have documented the use of inducements in Agency and forest areas. When electoral outcomes in precisely those areas diverge sharply from the rest of the state, ignoring the religious inducement factor is not secularism; it is wilful blindness. Forced conversion is an assault on individual autonomy, on tribal identity, and on the social fabric. Studying its scale, methods, and political impact is not an attack on any religion. It is a basic requirement of a state that claims to protect its most vulnerable citizens. Chief Minister Naidu’s insistence on examining the facts in the Agency areas is both constitutionally sound and politically necessary. Those who dismiss the issue as “polarisation” are, in practice, defending the continuation of inducement driven conversion.

Arunachalis are not naive urban campus radicals; they are frontline nationalists who have lived the Chinese claim every single day. This young girl from Arunachal Pradesh saying “Hum bhi India hai” is not a slogan. It is the plain, lived reality of a people who know exactly what Beijing’s “Zangnan / South Tibet” fantasy means. China rejects the McMahon Line, has repeatedly renamed Indian places, issues stapled visas to Arunachalis, and keeps probing the border with face offs and incremental presence. The youth of Arunachal see this clearly because they live on the Line of Actual Control, not in JNU seminar rooms. What Chinese agents and people like Neha Bora (AISA / CPI(ML) Liberation) refuse to understand is that Arunachalis are mature, hard core Indians. They do not need lectures on “regime change” models borrowed from Bangladesh or selective “environmental” activism that conveniently ignores China’s occupation of Tibet and its hydropower ambitions on the Yarlung Tsangpo. Their families have served in the Indian Armed Forces in large numbers. Their identity is not up for negotiation by map makers in Beijing or street theatre activists who treat national sovereignty as a bourgeois inconvenience. The girl in the video is the real face of Arunachal youth: clear eyed, patriotic, and uninterested in foreign agendas dressed up as progressive causes. One India is not a slogan for them. It is the ground they stand on.

The speculation around a possible reunification of the two NCP factions is a clear signal that veteran leader Sharad Pawar and the Sunetra Pawar led NCP understand the political reality on the ground far better than the CONgress under Rahul Gandhi ever will. NCP (Sharadchandra Pawar) holds 8 Lok Sabha MPs. These numbers, combined with the repeated meetings Praful Patel’s hospital visit, Parth Pawar’s successive meetings at Silver Oak, and the involvement of senior leaders show that serious political calculations are underway. Sunil Tatkare has already stated on record that a merger framework had been finalised for 12 February had Ajit Pawar been alive. These are not random rumours; they reflect a pragmatic assessment of where Maharashtra’s interests actually lie. The CONgress, under Rahul Gandhi’s direction, has nothing substantive to offer Maharashtra. In the 2024 Assembly elections, the party recorded its worst ever performance in the state’s history, winning just 16 seats out of 101 contested a strike rate of barely 16%. Direct contests against the BJP were a rout. The INDI/MVA alliance has repeatedly descended into public blame games, seat sharing chaos, and organisational paralysis. Rahul Gandhi’s national campaign narratives failed to resonate with Maharashtra’s voters, and the party continues to treat regional allies as disposable props rather than partners with roots and responsibilities. Sharad Pawar has always prioritised Maharashtra’s political and developmental interests over the failing national experiments of the CONgress. A reunified NCP under the broader umbrella of the BJP led NDA would strengthen stable governance, reinforce the Mahayuti government’s development agenda, and give the state stronger representation at the Centre. Sunetra Pawar’s faction is already part of that stable coalition; aligning the remaining strength of the Sharad Pawar camp with it would consolidate regional influence rather than dilute it inside a dysfunctional opposition. Rahul Gandhi’s CONgress has reduced itself to perpetual opposition theatrics while regional leaders with actual stakes in governance make hard, practical choices. Maharashtra’s future lies with those who deliver stability and development under the NDA, not with a national party that has repeatedly demonstrated its inability to lead or even hold its own alliances together.

Captain Ajay Pant is not a criminal. He is an Indian seafarer who has been made a scapegoat in Britain’s unilateral sanctions campaign against Russia. The vessel under his command loaded Russian crude at Ust-Luga and was bound for India. India has never accepted the legitimacy of Western sanctions on Russian energy exports. Purchasing discounted Russian oil is a sovereign economic decision taken in India’s national interest and fully consistent with the long standing India Russia partnership. No United Nations resolution prohibits this trade. Britain intercepted the ship after it had already transited the English Channel under the established traffic separation scheme and entered international waters. Forcing it back into British jurisdiction on the contested claim that it was “stateless” after Cameroon withdrew its flag raises serious questions of maritime law and freedom of navigation. Article 110 of UNCLOS does not give a coastal state a blank cheque to seize commercial vessels engaged in lawful third country trade merely because Western governments have designated them under domestic sanctions regimes. The charges brought against Captain Pant are under Britain’s own Russia (Sanctions) (EU Exit) Regulations not under international law binding on India or on an Indian national simply discharging his professional duties as Master. A captain does not decide the cargo, the charterer, or the destination. Treating him as the responsible party while the actual owners remain untouched is disproportionate and unjust. An Indian citizen should not spend months in British custody, denied bail, and face a potential ten year sentence simply because London has chosen to weaponise the English Channel against Russia’s oil exports to India. The hearing on 11–13 November and the trial scheduled for 15 December must examine the legality of the interception itself, not merely rubber stamp an extra territorial assertion of British domestic law. India must stand firmly behind Captain Pant. Seafarers cannot be allowed to become collateral damage in geopolitical contests. Russia remains a reliable energy partner. Britain has neither the legal nor the moral authority to police India’s legitimate commercial relations with Moscow.

Ashutosh Ranka’s Gavi return under Dr Sania Nishtar is not an innocent coincidence it is a documented institutional overlap that CJP and its AAP proxies must answer for.​ Ranka served as a consultant at Gavi from May 2021 to July 2022. He then rejoined as an independent part-time consultant from October 2024 to September 2025. Dr Sania Nishtar was appointed Gavi CEO by the board on 11 January 2024 and assumed office on 18 March 2024. His entire second stint fell under her leadership.​ Nishtar is no ordinary global health professional. She was a Federal Minister in Pakistan’s 2013 caretaker government. From 2018 to 2022 she served as Special Assistant to Prime Minister Imran Khan on Poverty Alleviation (with Federal Minister rank) and Chairperson of the Benazir Income Support Programme. She was also a Pakistani Senator. These are not distant affiliations; they are senior positions inside the Pakistani state apparatus.​ Ranka is no neutral technocrat either. He has openly acknowledged his past association with the Aam Aadmi Party, worked as an Associate Fellow with the AAP led Delhi Legislative Assembly, and has publicly praised Arvind Kejriwal. He is now National Co-Convener and spokesperson of the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) an outfit that has organised sustained agitation against the BJP led NDA government on education, elections, and governance issues.​ The timeline is stark. He left Gavi in July 2022. Nishtar became CEO in March 2024. Within roughly seven months of her taking charge, he returned as a part time consultant and stayed until September 2025 while simultaneously building his profile as a vocal critic of the NDA government through CJP. That is not routine career movement; it is a choice made under the leadership of a former senior Pakistani minister. The BJP led NDA government has taken a firm line on national security, cross border threats, and foreign influence operations. It does not treat Pakistan’s political establishment as a harmless stakeholder in Indian public life. When a prominent AAP linked activist and CJP co-convener maintains professional ties to an organisation headed by someone with deep roots in that establishment, while running political campaigns against the Indian government, the burden of explanation rests on him not on those raising the question. Coincidence is the convenient excuse. The documented facts the precise overlap, Nishtar’s Pakistani government record, and Ranka’s AAP CJP political trajectory demand scrutiny, not dismissal.

While the United States and Europe have spent years arming one side, imposing sweeping sanctions, and lecturing the world on “rules based order,” it is Prime Minister Narendra Modi who has just secured a concrete diplomatic opening on the single issue that actually affects hundreds of millions of people: unblocking Black Sea grain corridors.​ Zelenskyy’s own statement after the call makes the contrast unmistakable. He confirmed that India is ready to mediate food corridors precisely because New Delhi talks to both Moscow and Kyiv without the ideological hostility that has defined Western policy. Modi has repeatedly told Putin, as Zelenskyy himself acknowledged, that the war must end. That is not rhetoric; it is the practical advantage of a country that never joined the sanctions regime, never supplied weapons, and therefore retains leverage with both capitals.​ The West’s approach has been the opposite. Sanctions on Russian fertilisers and shipping, combined with the destruction of port infrastructure, have driven global food prices higher and hit developing nations hardest. Europe and the United States continue to prioritise military packages over any serious mechanism that would allow Ukrainian grain and Russian fertiliser to move freely. The result is prolonged suffering for Ukrainian farmers, Russian exporters, and food importing countries alike. India’s offer of mediation cuts through that failure. It treats food security as a shared interest rather than a propaganda tool. This is why Zelenskyy is now looking to New Delhi ahead of the Abu Dhabi talks. India does not need to choose sides to deliver results. It can speak to Moscow about de-escalation in the Black Sea and to Kyiv about the economic necessity of open export routes. That is the difference between performative solidarity and actual diplomacy. While Washington and Brussels keep funding the battlefield, Modi is positioning India to open the corridors that feed the world. That is not neutrality for its own sake; it is the only posture that has any chance of producing an outcome both Ukraine and Russia can live with.

This is classic industrial scale Chinese propaganda, executed with the full knowledge and tacit support of Bangladesh’s current establishment, and amplified by the usual Pakistan and Turkey disinformation axis. Chinese nationals have been camping for months in Uttara and Tekpara in Dhaka, livestreaming on Douyin and WeChat while deliberately telling Chinese audiences they are broadcasting from New Delhi. They enter private homes without permission, film tin roofed lanes, and peddle grotesque lies such as “cow urine tea” and “no fans, filthy, underdeveloped India.” Prothom Alo’s own investigation confirmed the location fraud and the fabricated narrative. This is not random vlogging. It is a calculated campaign to manufacture an image of India as a failed, dirty, cow worshipping backwater for domestic Chinese consumption and for export to anti India networks.​ China does this because India’s rise under the BJP led NDA government is an existential threat to its regional dominance. While Chinese state media and proxy vloggers film Bangladeshi slums and label them “India,” actual India has built world class expressways, airports, metro networks, and digital public infrastructure that have lifted hundreds of millions out of poverty. India’s GDP growth, manufacturing push, and infrastructure spend under the NDA stand in stark contrast to the stagnation and debt traps Beijing exports elsewhere. The “poor and undeveloped” slur is pure projection from a regime that runs concentration camps, censors its own citizens, and cannot tolerate a confident, democratic India. Pakistan and Turkey supply the ideological glue and the global megaphones. Pakistan’s ISPR-linked networks and Turkey’s TRT style outlets have long specialised in turning any anti India talking point into “genocide,” “cow urine,” or “Hindu fascism” narratives. Bangladesh’s interim setup, increasingly aligned with Beijing and hostile to India after Sheikh Hasina’s exit, has allowed this operation to run for months with zero meaningful police action. When Chinese operators walk into homes and film women and children while claiming it is India, the silence from Dhaka is not ignorance it is complicity.​ India under the NDA does not need Chinese permission to be modern. The same government that has delivered toilets, LPG connections, roads, and 5G to hundreds of millions has also exposed and countered the China, Pakistan and Turkey information warfare playbook repeatedly. The only people still selling “cow urine India” are those terrified of a self confident, economically rising Bharat that refuses to be defined by Beijing’s or Islamabad’s propaganda factories.

This timeline is not conspiracy theory it is a documented record of CONgress led softness, urban Naxal celebration of Indian blood, and the decisive contrast under the BJP led NDA.​ In April 2010, Maoists ambushed and slaughtered 76 CRPF jawans in Dantewada the single deadliest attack on Indian security forces by the red terrorists. Within days, radical groups in JNU (DSU and AISA) organised a meeting that campus organisations including NSUI itself described as celebrating the massacre, with slogans such as “India murdabad, Maovad zindabad.” Clashes followed. The university vice chancellor called the timing “very insensitive.” That is not “dissent.” That is open applause for the murder of Indian jawans.​ The same CONgress government that faced this carnage later saw Binayak Sen convicted by a Chhattisgarh court of sedition and aiding Naxals appointed to a key Planning Commission health steering committee. Sonia Gandhi’s National Advisory Council was repeatedly accused of providing cover and proximity to Naxal sympathising elements. While CRPF bodies were still warm, the intellectual and political ecosystem around CONgress treated the killers as “revolutionaries” and the security forces as the problem.​ Fast forward to November 2025: security forces eliminated Madvi Hidma, a top Maoist commander linked to over two dozen major attacks and responsible for the deaths of scores of jawans. After his neutralisation, the slogan “Kitne Hidma maroge, har ghar se Hidma niklega” was raised by left elements. Home Minister Amit Shah publicly called out Rahul Gandhi for sharing/reposting related material. The same political family that once romanticised or tolerated the ideology now amplifies the narrative that glorifies the killers of Indian soldiers.​ Contrast this with the BJP led NDA government. Under Modi and Amit Shah, the policy shifted from half measures and “root causes” rhetoric to sustained, intelligence driven operations. Hundreds of cadres have surrendered, multiple top leaders (including Basavaraju and Hidma) have been neutralised, the Red Corridor has shrunk dramatically, and the government has set a clear target of a Naxal free India by March 2026. CRPF and state forces have been given the political backing, technology, and coordination that was missing for decades. The jawans who were once walked into ambushes are now systematically dismantling the very organisation that massacred their brothers.​ CONgress and its left liberal allies spent years providing ideological oxygen, institutional platforms, and selective outrage to the Naxal ecosystem while security forces bled. The NDA has spent years denying that oxygen and delivering results on the ground. The blood of the 76 Dantewada martyrs, and every jawan killed before and after, is the permanent indictment of those who celebrated, excused, or soft pedalled the killers. That is the factual record. No amount of “Kitne Hidma” sloganeering erases it.