Recently returned from 15 years in Japan and Singapore. Once a physicist.

England, United Kingdom
Joined December 2012
After the Green Party's "Zionism is Racism" vote, the Leader of Haringey Council, which is controlled by the Greens, wrote to various Synagogues in the borough to "reassure" them. I want to show you Highgate Synagogue's reply. I believe it is worth reading in its entirety.
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Thank you Germany 🇩🇪and Britain 🇬🇧 for sacrificing your economies to save the planet. China appreciates you exporting your manufacturing to provide jobs for their citizens.
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How much does it cost to fill a pothole? Not the council cost. Not the contractor cost. Not the system cost. The actual, physical cost. Materials and labour. Tarmac in a hole and a person to put it there. I wrote recently about how Britain's institutions have gradually turned inward, spending more energy managing themselves than delivering for the public. That thread looked at the pattern from above. This one starts from the ground. Literally. The data in this thread comes primarily from the 2025 ALARM survey, published by the Asphalt Industry Alliance, which is the source for all pothole and road condition figures cited below. A newer 2026 survey has since been published with some figures having worsened further. Additional data is drawn from Freedom of Information requests published by Citroën UK and vehicle damage estimates from the AA. A typical pothole might be about half a metre across and 40 to 50mm deep. That's a rough illustration, not a universal standard, but it gives us a starting point. It needs roughly 25kg of material to fill. A bag of cold lay tarmac costs between £7 and £15 from any builders' merchant. Hot mix asphalt, the better long-term option, costs £40 to £70 a tonne, enough to cover 8 square metres. The raw material for a single pothole costs somewhere between £5 and £15. The labour is similarly modest. Repair times vary by method. The Local Government Association notes that hot asphalt patching takes around 10 to 30 minutes per pothole. Cold lay can be driven on almost immediately. Specialist machines can prepare a repair in under ten minutes. Even with a manual two-person crew doing preparation, filling, and compaction, the hands-on work takes a fraction of an hour. At standard labour rates, that's roughly £10 to £20 of human time per repair. So the total physical cost, materials and hands-on labour, to repair one pothole is in the region of £15 to £30. For the purposes of this thread, let's use £25, the conservative end of that range. This is an illustrative estimate, not an official benchmark. Costs vary by method, geography, scale, and equipment. But it gives us a reasonable baseline for what the physical work actually involves. Now here's what it actually costs. According to the 2025 ALARM survey, the average reported cost of filling a pothole in England and Wales is £72.37. In London, reactive repairs average £106.52. Analysis by Citroën UK, using Freedom of Information data from 145 councils, found the reported cost ranged from £4.13 in Cardiff to £656 in the Shetland Islands. Some councils spend over £300 per repair. And here's what makes that comparison even more striking. The ALARM survey notes that its reported pothole fill figures exclude relevant staff, overhead, and traffic management costs. The £72.37 is not the full system cost. Because those figures are excluded, the full all-in cost would be higher still. Using our rough illustrative estimate of around £25 for materials and hands-on labour, the physical work may account for only around a third of the reported repair cost. And since the reported cost understates the true total, the share going to the physical work is likely even smaller. Where does the rest go? Traffic management. Cones, signs, lane closures, permits. Inspection regimes, before and after. Procurement and contractor management. Health and safety compliance documentation. Reporting, logging, performance tracking. Insurance and liability. Council management overhead. Contractor profit margins. Now let me be clear. Some of these costs are legitimate. You need traffic management to keep road workers safe. You need inspection to make sure the repair holds. Contractors need to make a margin or they wouldn't do the work. Insurance exists for good reason. Nobody is arguing that the system cost should be zero. But when the reported cost is nearly three times the physical work, and the true cost is higher still, something has gone wrong. Not because any single element of the overhead is unreasonable, but because the cumulative weight of process, compliance, procurement, administration, and contractor margins has grown to the point where it dwarfs the thing it exists to support. A reasonable overhead on a £25 job might be 50%. Maybe even 100% for complex or safety-critical work. But nearly 200%, before you've even counted everything? At some point the system stops supporting the work and starts consuming it. And here's the consequence of that weight. Every pound absorbed by the system rather than spent on the work is a pothole that doesn't get filled. Every pothole that doesn't get filled is a road that deteriorates further. Every road that deteriorates further generates more vehicle damage, more compensation claims, more reactive callouts, and more cost. The system's own weight makes the problem worse, which makes the system more expensive, which means even fewer potholes get filled. The overhead feeds the backlog and the backlog feeds the overhead. As the asphalt industry itself notes, the material is "a low proportion" of the total repair cost. The physical input that actually fixes the pothole is the smallest part of what we spend on it. Now scale that up. According to the ALARM survey, 1.9 million potholes were filled across England and Wales last year. One every 18 seconds. The total reported repair bill was £137.4 million. On top of that, councils spent a further £37.3 million dealing with pothole-related compensation claims, of which £17.6 million was staff costs to process the paperwork. Not the compensation itself. The administration of the compensation. And it gets worse. Because the way the system is organised actively makes it more expensive. The ALARM survey breaks costs down by repair type. Planned repairs, where councils schedule work in advance and send crews on efficient routes, cost an average of £57.87 per pothole in England. Reactive repairs, where a crew is sent out in response to a single report, cost £81.62. In Wales the gap is even wider: £54.25 planned versus £92.89 reactive. In London, reactive repairs cost nearly double the planned rate. But most repairs are reactive, because the system isn't resourced or organised to plan effectively. The most expensive way to fix a pothole is the way we fix most potholes. Citroën UK's analysis, based on their Freedom of Information data, suggested that if every council standardised at the most efficient repair method, the same national budget could have fixed significantly more potholes. Their estimate was 33 million, seventeen times the 1.9 million actually done. Even if that figure is optimistic, it points to a striking gap between what the money could achieve and what it currently does. Meanwhile, the backlog to bring all roads in England and Wales up to standard now stands at £16.8 billion according to the ALARM survey. More than half of all roads have less than fifteen years of structural life remaining. Roads are resurfaced, on average, once every 93 years. The backlog would take 12 years to clear. And the AA estimates that pothole damage costs drivers around £645 million a year in vehicle repairs. So the country spends £175 million a year filling potholes and processing claims. The damage to drivers costs £645 million. And the backlog to fix the problem properly is £16.8 billion. The cost of the roads deteriorating is many times higher than the cost of maintaining them. But the system can't get out of its own way long enough to do it. That is not just a funding problem, although chronic underfunding is real and the ALARM survey rightly identifies it as a major factor. But it is also a system problem. Because even within the funding that exists, the ratio of physical work to system cost has become badly distorted. Now here's why I'm telling you this. The pothole is not the point. The pothole is the metaphor. I've spent months documenting this same pattern across Britain's major institutions. The NHS, where the system around treating patients consumes a growing share of the budget and the legal costs of arguing about failures can exceed the cost of the care itself. Defence, where the procurement apparatus has become so complex that major projects routinely run years late and billions over budget. Education, where decades of deferred maintenance turned cheap early fixes into a £13.8 billion backlog. Local government, where councils spend billions on temporary accommodation partly because social housing was never built at the scale required, and where every £1 invested in a social home generates an estimated £2.84 in economic value. Every case is different in its detail. But the pattern underneath is always the same. The physical cost of doing the work is modest. The system wrapped around the work is enormous. And the cost of the system failing to do the work is larger still. At some point you have to ask a simple question. If the work itself is straightforward and the costs are modest, and the consequences of not doing it are enormous, why can't we just find better ways to do the thing? Not no oversight. Not no safety. Not no accountability. But a system where the majority of the money goes to the work rather than the apparatus that surrounds it. Where a crew can fill a hole without generating more cost in administration than in tarmac. Where the goal of the system is to fix the road, not to document the process of considering whether to fix the road. This is the hidden arithmetic of British public life. A country that spends record amounts and gets deteriorating results. Not because the work is expensive. But because the system that surrounds the work has become more expensive than the work itself. EY has estimated that the productivity gap between the public and private sectors is costing the economy £80 billion a year. But £80 billion is an abstraction. A pothole makes it real. A rough estimate of £25 in physical work. A reported repair cost of £72 that doesn't even capture the full overhead. £645 million in damage because the system can't fill the holes fast enough. And a £16.8 billion backlog that nobody can afford to clear. The tarmac was never the expensive part. The system around it was. And until we're willing to look at both the funding and the machinery that consumes it, nothing changes.
We've reached the age of consequence. I've spent weeks pulling apart the data on Britain's major institutions. The NHS. Schools. Defence. Roads. Councils. Housing. Water. Pensions. Demographics. Each one looked like a separate crisis. Each one had its own numbers, its own failures, its own outrage cycle. But the deeper I went, the clearer it became. They're not separate crises. They're consequences. Decades of deferred maintenance. Deferred decisions. Deferred honesty. All arriving at once. All compounding. And all connected. There are many reasons Britain is where it is. Monetary policy. Demographics. Political choices. Fraud. Failures of regulation. I'll get to those. But running through almost everything I've examined is one pattern so consistent it deserves a name. Organisational inertia. Every organisation that exists long enough eventually stops serving the purpose it was created for and starts serving itself. Processes are created to manage risk. Roles are introduced to manage process. Policies emerge to manage roles. Gradually, the organisation's attention turns inward. What began as a vehicle for purpose becomes a system primarily concerned with its own continuity. The structure that was supposed to support the work becomes the work. This doesn't just apply to companies. It applies to countries. Start with the NHS. It was created to provide healthcare. Today it spends £3.6 billion a year settling clinical negligence claims arising from its own failures. Billions more servicing PFI contracts signed decades ago. It manages a waiting list of over 7 million people. Its staff are burning out. And a provision of around £60 billion sits on the government's books for the expected future cost of clinical negligence claims. The NHS still provides extraordinary care, delivered by extraordinary people. But a growing share of its energy and budget is consumed not by healing, but by managing the consequences of its own structural failures. Look at education. The system was built to prepare children for the future. Today it manages a £13.8 billion maintenance backlog. The DfE has said over 80% of schools contain asbestos. RAAC concrete, described by the government's own advisors as "life expired and liable to collapse," has required urgent mitigation in hundreds of schools. A SEND system that has doubled in cost and is driving councils toward insolvency. Teacher recruitment and retention remain a serious challenge, with the profession struggling to attract and keep the people it needs. School spending per pupil fell sharply through the 2010s and has only recently begun to recover, according to the IFS. The system still educates. But more and more of its resources go to keeping the structure standing rather than improving what happens inside it. Look at defence. The armed forces exist to protect the country. Today they manage an equipment plan with a £16.9 billion affordability gap. The Deputy Chief of the Defence Staff told the Defence Committee that the UK could not sustain an enduring war "for more than a couple of months" due to insufficient ammunition, reserves, and equipment. The First Sea Lord has reportedly said the Royal Navy will not be ready for an armed conflict until 2030. The structure is maintained. The capability is hollowed out. Look at local government. Councils exist to serve communities. Today, 35 councils have been granted exceptional financial support for 2026-27. Surveys show a significant share of councils see effective bankruptcy as a realistic risk over the next five years. Social care consumes an ever larger share of budgets, crowding out everything else. Services have been cut to the bone while the cost of running the institution keeps rising. The institution persists. The service it was created to deliver is disappearing. Now look at the budget. Because the budget is where the inversion becomes most visible. The government spends £1,370 billion a year. Almost all of it is consumed before a single discretionary decision is made. £333 billion on welfare. £202 billion on health. £114 billion on debt interest. £95 billion on education. £39 billion on defence. Then layer on the hidden costs that most people never see. PFI repayments. Clinical negligence settlements. Nuclear decommissioning provisions. Billions in public sector consultancy spending. The Government Major Projects Portfolio contains 227 projects with a combined whole life cost of £834 billion, of which only around 11% are green-rated by the Infrastructure and Projects Authority. Unfunded public sector pension liabilities of around £1.3 trillion. By the time the system has paid for itself, there is almost nothing left to invest in making anything better. The country is spending record amounts and going backwards. Not because the money is being wasted on frivolous things. But because the cost of maintaining a deteriorating system consumes everything before improvement becomes possible. EY has estimated that the gap between public sector productivity and private sector productivity alone is costing the UK economy £80 billion a year. If left unaddressed, that figure could rise to £170 billion by 2030. But even that number understates the true cost. Because it only measures the productivity shortfall. It doesn't count the £3.6 billion in annual clinical negligence settlements. The billions in PFI overpayments above capital value. The project overruns across government. The £645 million a year in pothole damage to drivers. The economic output lost because 7 million people are on waiting lists and can't work or can't work fully. The investment deterred by a system too expensive and too complex to operate in. The labour mobility destroyed by unaffordable housing. The skills potential lost by a deteriorating education system. The 2.8 million people economically inactive due to long-term sickness, partly because the health system meant to support them is itself under strain. The measurable productivity gap is £80 billion. The true cost of a state that has turned inward is almost certainly far higher. And the system doesn't just consume resources. It generates its own demand. The Institute for Government has described much of the demand on public services as "failure demand." Demand created not by citizens needing help, but by the system's own earlier failures to intervene effectively. Patients who end up in A&E because they couldn't see a GP. Children in crisis because early intervention was cut. Homeless families in expensive temporary accommodation because social housing was never built. Potholes that cost more to repeatedly patch than they would have cost to resurface properly in the first place. Each failure generates more cost. Each cost absorbs more budget. Each squeezed budget reduces the capacity to prevent the next failure. The system feeds on its own dysfunction. Organisational inertia is not the only reason Britain is struggling. Demographics, monetary policy, globalisation, political failures, and a dozen other forces play their part. I've written about some of them already and I'll write about more. But this pattern, the quiet inversion of purpose, the system turning inward, runs through almost every institution I've examined. It is not the whole explanation. But it's a thread you can trace through all of them. The UK state has become a system that spends much of its energy managing itself. Servicing its debts. Honouring its legacy contracts. Settling its legal liabilities. Maintaining its crumbling infrastructure. Administering its own complexity. The original purpose, delivering better lives for the people who fund it, has not disappeared. But it has been steadily crowded out by the cost of keeping the structure alive. The institutions still speak the language of mission and purpose. Every government department has a strategy. Every public body has a set of values. Every spending review promises reform and efficiency. But in practice, much of the energy goes inward. Managing risk. Maintaining process. Sustaining the structure. The language points outward. The money flows inward. Every thread I've written has documented a different piece of a larger picture. This one is about the pattern that connects many of them. Not the only pattern. But one of the deepest. Britain's crises are not unrelated. They reinforce each other. And at the heart of many of them is a system that has gradually shifted from serving the public to sustaining itself. The question is not whether the country can afford to reform its institutions. The question is whether it can afford not to. Because the measurable cost is already £80 billion a year. The real cost is a country that forgot what it was for.
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Starmer has lost Midwit Britain. It's over.
‘I feel profoundly let down.’ Is Starmer's government mimicking the Tories and their '14 years of corruption and dishonesty'? James O’Brien says he was ‘perhaps naive’ to think it would be any different.
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This is now seen to be untrue
Starmer on 5 Feb: "There was... security vetting carried out independently by the security services, which is an intensive exercise that gave him clearance for the role, and you have to go through that before you take up the post."
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On what conceivable planet should British taxpayers pay “an appropriate financial contribution of the UK towards reducing economic, social and territorial disparities between the regions of the EU”? Like the Chagos surrender, it’s something so mad people won’t actually believe it
This is beyond humiliating. “The agreement would establish a permanent mechanism for an appropriate financial contribution of the UK towards reducing economic, social and territorial disparities between the regions of the EU, applicable to the electricity agreement and any further agreement affording the UK access to the Union’s internal market. The financial contribution of the UK should appropriately reflect the relative size of the UK’s economy and the proportion of the internal market in which the UK aims to participate in line with consistent EU policy.” Starmer wants to pay Brussels to run our affairs. order-order.com/2026/03/30/l…
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With Iran's IRGC closing the Strait of Hormuz, it's a good thing that here in the UK we can rely on our North Sea oil. Thank God we didn't elect a bunch of idiots who mothballed the offshore platforms for no good reason.... Oh wait. #LabourUK
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When some of the most senior Atlanticist Americans are saying this, we should worry where it may leave Britain one day when we need them. And for us to take this action to deny the US key abilities to tackle one of the most violent and depraved regimes in history - fresh from murdering thousands of its own people who dared to ask for freedom - is beyond wrongheaded.
If it turns out to be true that Britain is denying the United States the ability to use British bases against Iran if there is a necessity for an attack - it would be beyond surprising.  I’ve been a military lawyer most of my adult life. What they’re saying about the status of Diego Garcia, the joint US-UK military base, is a huge question.  The bottom line is the largest state sponsor of terrorism on the planet is the weakest it’s been because the people of Iran have risen up by the millions to end their oppression and the United States and Israel have delivered crushing blows to the regime’s military infrastructure.  To my friends in Britain, sitting this one out puts you on the wrong side of history and is yet another example of how much our alliances throughout Europe have degraded.
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This is the moment that defines Starmer for me: demanding 68m people be held under ongoing restrictions for months extra, making wild forecasts about cases & deaths that proved utterly wrong, & morally condemning his political opponents in vitriolic terms when they were right.
Boris Johnson's recklessness means we're going to have an NHS summer crisis. The Johnson Variant is already out of control - and we're heading to 100,000 cases a day.
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😂😂
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Another top deal maker abandons Britain, this time for Luxembourg The departure of James Brocklebank, private equity (PE) firm Advent’s head of Europe, is a sign that the PE industry is shifting out of the UK, following Labour's tax hikes. Advent has invested £5.5 bn of equity in UK companies. The industry as a whole invested £29.4 bn into UK businesses in 2024. 1/2
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But the top 1% of UK taxpayers now pay 33% of all income tax

Everyone screaming tax the rich, but let that sink in 

That’s just 500,000 people contributing £93.8 BILLION in the 2024 tax year A £150k earner pays £53,460 in tax A £25k earner pays £2,486 It takes 21 people on £25k to contribute what one person on £150k does So when Labour talk about ‘making the rich pay their fair share’, they already are Keep hammering high earners, entrepreneurs & business owners, & they’ll KEEP leaving Dubai, Monaco, Portugal are all rolling out the red carpet And the budget looks like it will only get worse 

The UK doesn’t need higher taxes, it needs spending wastage cut, better incentives to build & invest & a full cultural shift AWAY from the politics of envy
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🚨NEW: Britain's richest young entrepreneur, Herman Narula, CEO of the £2.5bn tech company Improbable says he's leaving Britain because of Labour threats to introduce an exit tax [@Telegraph]
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I have invested $200M into the UK in the last five years. If @RachelReevesMP implements “Exit Tax” all that funding will go overnight. That is countless jobs, companies and people who will lose out. Rachel, you have managed to steal our hopes, our dreams even our growth, don’t take our freedom also. @Dom_Hallas 🙏 for his work here 👇 no-exit-tax.co.uk
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We Had a Chance to End the Conflict and We Chose to Burn It. In 2005, something historic happened. Israel withdrew completely from Gaza - not just its soldiers, but also all of its civilians, farms, and settlements. Thousands of Israeli families were uprooted from their homes by their own government. Synagogues were dismantled, greenhouses and infrastructure worth hundreds of millions of dollars were left behind - not destroyed, but handed over to give us a chance to start fresh. For the first time in our history, we had full control over a piece of land - our own borders, our own cities, our own people, and access to the sea. The world was ready to help. Billions in aid and investment were promised. It could have been the beginning of a Palestinian Singapore. But instead of building schools, hospitals, and industries, we built tunnels, rockets, and militias. Instead of creating hope, we chose hatred. Instead of turning Gaza into proof that Palestinians can govern themselves, we turned it into proof that we cannot. When Israel left, the world expected calm, peace, and progress. What did we give them? Civil war between Fatah and Hamas. Executions in the streets. A terror group seizing power and turning Gaza into a launching pad for endless wars. And the world still asks: Why doesn’t Israel “just give up the West Bank” too? Because they already saw what happened the last time they gave land for nothing in return. The truth is painful, but it must be said: We were given a chance to build a future and we used it to destroy our own. We could have shown that we were ready for peace. Instead, we showed that we were ruled by those who fear peace more than they fear death. Every rocket fired from Gaza wasn’t just aimed at Israel - it was aimed at our own future. And now, after all the destruction, poverty, and death, I keep asking myself: What if, just once, we had chosen life instead of revenge? We had the opportunity to end the conflict. But our leaders and too many of us chose to keep it alive.
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On €10M of foreign income, the UK will take €4M+. Italy takes €200k. The math explains why high-net-worth migration has shifted. Milan is the new London, but with better weather. More broadly, Italy has become a true wealth magnet with 4K+ new UHNWIs relocated there in just the first half of 2024. As always happens in similar cases, signs of criticism have already emerged and they'll intensify in the near future. The Italian flat tax won't last long: we have only 24 months, in a best-case scenario. For those in target, moving there now ensures a 15-year time period under the flat tax regime.
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