𝐍𝐀𝐓𝐈𝐎𝐍𝐀𝐋 𝐒𝐎𝐂𝐈𝐀𝐋𝐈𝐒𝐌 𝐀𝐒 𝐒𝐓𝐀𝐓𝐄 𝐀𝐁𝐒𝐎𝐋𝐔𝐓𝐒𝐈𝐌 𝐀𝐆𝐀𝐈𝐍𝐒𝐓 𝐋𝐈𝐁𝐄𝐑𝐀𝐋𝐈𝐒𝐌, 𝐈𝐍𝐃𝐈𝐕𝐈𝐃𝐔𝐀𝐋𝐈𝐒𝐌 & 𝐌𝐀𝐑𝐗𝐈𝐒𝐌 As outlined in the previous quoted article which features the worldview of the German jurist 𝙀𝙧𝙣𝙨𝙩 𝙁𝙤𝙧𝙨𝙩𝙝𝙤𝙛𝙛 - National Socialism is an absolutist, totalitarian worldview which seeks to employ and weaponize the German/European peoples as a singular body through the mechanism of state organizations under consolidated authority. Ernst Forsthoff argued that National Socialism is fundamentally against 𝘼𝙇𝙇 forms of constitutional government and governments which employ a separation of powers. Through several economic, political, social and racial policies, National Socialism defined itself as the absolution of the German state, unifying the Volk, Government and Military as a singular entity that exemplifies its worldview through a one party state. This was an evolution of the National Socialist worldview, where from its original foundations in Rudolf Jung's 𝘿𝙚𝙧 𝙣𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡𝙚 𝙎𝙤𝙯𝙞𝙖𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙢𝙪𝙨 : 𝙨𝙚𝙞𝙣𝙚 𝙂𝙧𝙪𝙣𝙙𝙡𝙖𝙜𝙚𝙣, 𝙨𝙚𝙞𝙣 𝙒𝙚𝙧𝙙𝙚𝙜𝙖𝙣𝙜 𝙪𝙣𝙙 𝙨𝙚𝙞𝙣𝙚 𝙕𝙞𝙚𝙡𝙚 or 𝙉𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡 𝙎𝙤𝙘𝙞𝙖𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙢: 𝙄𝙩𝙨 𝙁𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙙𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙨, 𝙄𝙩𝙨 𝘿𝙚𝙫𝙚𝙡𝙤𝙥𝙢𝙚𝙣𝙩, 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙄𝙩𝙨 𝙂𝙤𝙖𝙡𝙨 of 1922, Jung advocated for a constitutional government, although much different from Liberalism's structure. Rudolf Jung's advocation for a German constitution is quoted as the following: 𝙉𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡 𝙎𝙤𝙘𝙞𝙖𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙢: 𝙄𝙩𝙨 𝙁𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙙𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙨, 𝙄𝙩𝙨 𝘿𝙚𝙫𝙚𝙡𝙤𝙥𝙢𝙚𝙣𝙩, 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙄𝙩𝙨 𝙂𝙤𝙖𝙡𝙨 --- ❝ 𝑮𝒆𝒏𝒆𝒓𝒂𝒍𝒍𝒚 𝒔𝒑𝒆𝒂𝒌𝒊𝒏𝒈, 𝒘𝒆 𝒔𝒖𝒈𝒈𝒆𝒔𝒕 𝒂𝒅𝒗𝒂𝒏𝒄𝒊𝒏𝒈 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒇𝒐𝒍𝒍𝒐𝒘𝒊𝒏𝒈 𝒓𝒐𝒖𝒈𝒉 𝒑𝒓𝒊𝒏𝒄𝒊𝒑𝒍𝒆𝒔, 𝒘𝒉𝒊𝒄𝒉 𝒄𝒂𝒏 𝒑𝒓𝒐𝒗𝒊𝒅𝒆 𝒖𝒔 𝒘𝒊𝒕𝒉 𝒂 𝒇𝒓𝒂𝒎𝒆𝒘𝒐𝒓𝒌 – 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝒕𝒉𝒂𝒕 𝒊𝒔 𝒂𝒍𝒍 𝒊𝒕 𝒔𝒉𝒐𝒖𝒍𝒅 𝒃𝒆 – 𝒇𝒐𝒓 𝒂 𝑮𝒆𝒓𝒎𝒂𝒏 𝒑𝒆𝒐𝒑𝒍𝒆’𝒔 𝒍𝒂𝒘 160 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝒂 𝑮𝒆𝒓𝒎𝒂𝒏 𝒄𝒐𝒏𝒔𝒕𝒊𝒕𝒖𝒕𝒊𝒐𝒏𝒂𝒍 𝒍𝒂𝒘. ❞ - 𝑮𝒆𝒓𝒎𝒂𝒏 𝑳𝒂𝒘, pg 127 ❝ 𝑻𝒉𝒆 𝒉𝒊𝒔𝒕𝒐𝒓𝒊𝒄𝒂𝒍𝒍𝒚 𝒔𝒊𝒈𝒏𝒊𝒇𝒊𝒄𝒂𝒏𝒕 𝒄𝒐𝒏𝒔𝒕𝒊𝒕𝒖𝒕𝒊𝒐𝒏𝒂𝒍 𝒅𝒆𝒄𝒍𝒂𝒓𝒂𝒕𝒊𝒐𝒏 𝒅𝒆𝒍𝒊𝒗𝒆𝒓𝒆𝒅 𝒃𝒚 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒑𝒂𝒓𝒕𝒚 𝒕𝒐 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑽𝒊𝒆𝒏𝒏𝒂 𝑳𝒂𝒏𝒅𝒉𝒂𝒖𝒔162 𝒐𝒏 21𝒔𝒕 𝑶𝒄𝒕𝒐𝒃𝒆𝒓, 1918, 𝒄𝒐𝒏𝒄𝒍𝒖𝒅𝒆𝒅 𝒘𝒊𝒕𝒉 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒘𝒐𝒓𝒅𝒔: “𝑳𝒐𝒏𝒈 𝒍𝒊𝒗𝒆 𝒇𝒓𝒆𝒆, 𝒔𝒐𝒄𝒊𝒂𝒍 𝑷𝒂𝒏- 𝑮𝒆𝒓𝒎𝒂𝒏𝒚!” (𝑺𝒆𝒆 “𝑫𝒐𝒄𝒖𝒎𝒆𝒏𝒕𝒔 𝒐𝒇 𝑵𝒂𝒕𝒊𝒐𝒏𝒂𝒍 𝑺𝒐𝒄𝒊𝒂𝒍𝒊𝒔𝒎”). 𝑻𝒉𝒊𝒔 𝒇𝒓𝒆𝒆, 𝒔𝒐𝒄𝒊𝒂𝒍 𝑷𝒂𝒏-𝑮𝒆𝒓𝒎𝒂𝒏𝒚 𝒊𝒔 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑮𝒆𝒓𝒎𝒂𝒏 𝑷𝒆𝒐𝒑𝒍𝒆’𝒔 𝑺𝒕𝒂𝒕𝒆 𝒐𝒇 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒇𝒖𝒕𝒖𝒓𝒆, 𝒂 𝒇𝒖𝒕𝒖𝒓𝒆 𝒘𝒉𝒊𝒄𝒉 𝒘𝒊𝒍𝒍 𝒃𝒆 𝒂𝒍𝒍 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒄𝒍𝒐𝒔𝒆𝒓 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒔𝒐𝒐𝒏𝒆𝒓 𝒕𝒉𝒂𝒕 𝒐𝒖𝒓 𝑽𝒐𝒍𝒌 𝒂𝒓𝒆 𝒂𝒃𝒍𝒆 𝒕𝒐 𝒍𝒊𝒃𝒆𝒓𝒂𝒕𝒆 𝒕𝒉𝒆𝒎𝒔𝒆𝒍𝒗𝒆𝒔 𝒇𝒓𝒐𝒎 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒃𝒂𝒓𝒓𝒂𝒈𝒆 𝒐𝒇 𝒊𝒏𝒕𝒆𝒓𝒏𝒂𝒕𝒊𝒐𝒏𝒂𝒍-𝒑𝒂𝒄𝒊𝒇𝒊𝒔𝒕 𝒓𝒉𝒆𝒕𝒐𝒓𝒊𝒄 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝒇𝒓𝒐𝒎 𝒆𝒗𝒆𝒓𝒚 𝒇𝒐𝒓𝒆𝒊𝒈𝒏 – 𝒑𝒓𝒆𝒅𝒐𝒎𝒊𝒏𝒂𝒏𝒕𝒍𝒚 𝑱𝒆𝒘𝒊𝒔𝒉 – 𝒊𝒏𝒇𝒍𝒖𝒆𝒏𝒄𝒆 𝒕𝒐 𝒘𝒉𝒊𝒄𝒉 𝒕𝒉𝒆𝒚 𝒂𝒓𝒆 𝒑𝒓𝒆𝒔𝒆𝒏𝒕𝒍𝒚 𝒔𝒖𝒃𝒋𝒆𝒄𝒕, 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝒕𝒐 𝒇𝒊𝒏𝒅 𝒕𝒉𝒆𝒊𝒓 𝒘𝒂𝒚 𝒃𝒂𝒄𝒌 𝒕𝒐 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑮𝒆𝒓𝒎𝒂𝒏 𝒔𝒑𝒊𝒓𝒊𝒕 ❞ - pg 130 ❝ 𝑰𝒏𝒅𝒊𝒗𝒊𝒅𝒖𝒂𝒍 𝒎𝒊𝒏𝒊𝒔𝒕𝒆𝒓𝒔 𝒂𝒓𝒆 𝒕𝒐 𝒃𝒆 𝒔𝒆𝒍𝒆𝒄𝒕𝒆𝒅 𝒇𝒓𝒐𝒎 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑹𝒆𝒊𝒄𝒉𝒔𝒓𝒂𝒕 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝒉𝒆𝒍𝒅 𝒍𝒊𝒂𝒃𝒍𝒆, 𝒖𝒏𝒅𝒆𝒓 𝒔𝒆𝒗𝒆𝒓𝒆 𝒑𝒆𝒏𝒂𝒍𝒕𝒚, 𝒇𝒐𝒓 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒖𝒑𝒌𝒆𝒆𝒑 𝒐𝒇 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒄𝒐𝒏𝒔𝒕𝒊𝒕𝒖𝒕𝒊𝒐𝒏 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝒇𝒐𝒓 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒋𝒖𝒔𝒕 𝒊𝒎𝒑𝒍𝒆𝒎𝒆𝒏𝒕𝒂𝒕𝒊𝒐𝒏 𝒐𝒇 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒍𝒂𝒘. ❞ - Point 7, Article 2 of Party Programme of the German Workers’ Party in Austria (The Trautenau Programme) pg 168 ❝ 2) 𝑪𝑹𝑬𝑨𝑻𝑰𝑶𝑵 𝑶𝑭 𝑨 𝑮𝑬𝑹𝑴𝑨𝑵 𝑪𝑶𝑵𝑺𝑻𝑰𝑻𝑼𝑻𝑰𝑶𝑵. 𝑻𝒉𝒆 𝒑𝒂𝒓𝒕𝒚 𝒔𝒚𝒔𝒕𝒆𝒎 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝒑𝒂𝒓𝒍𝒊𝒂𝒎𝒆𝒏𝒕𝒂𝒓𝒊𝒔𝒎 𝒂𝒓𝒆 𝒕𝒐 𝒃𝒆 𝒆𝒍𝒊𝒎𝒊𝒏𝒂𝒕𝒆𝒅; 𝒔𝒆𝒍𝒇-𝒈𝒐𝒗𝒆𝒓𝒏𝒎𝒆𝒏𝒕 𝒊𝒔 𝒕𝒐 𝒃𝒆 𝒊𝒏𝒕𝒓𝒐𝒅𝒖𝒄𝒆𝒅 𝒊𝒏 𝒂𝒍𝒍 𝒂𝒓𝒆𝒂𝒔 𝒐𝒇 𝒆𝒄𝒐𝒏𝒐𝒎𝒊𝒄, 𝒊𝒏𝒕𝒆𝒍𝒍𝒆𝒄𝒕𝒖𝒂𝒍, 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝒑𝒐𝒍𝒊𝒕𝒊𝒄𝒂𝒍 𝒍𝒊𝒇𝒆. 𝑻𝒉𝒊𝒔 𝒆𝒏𝒕𝒂𝒊𝒍𝒔 𝒂 𝑮𝒓𝒆𝒂𝒕𝒆𝒓 𝑮𝒆𝒓𝒎𝒂𝒏 𝑹𝒆𝒊𝒄𝒉 𝒆𝒔𝒕𝒂𝒃𝒍𝒊𝒔𝒉𝒆𝒅 𝒖𝒑𝒐𝒏 𝒂 𝒇𝒆𝒅𝒆𝒓𝒂𝒍 𝒃𝒂𝒔𝒊𝒔, 𝒕𝒐 𝒘𝒉𝒊𝒄𝒉 𝑮𝒆𝒓𝒎𝒂𝒏 𝒇𝒂𝒎𝒊𝒍𝒊𝒆𝒔, 𝒄𝒐𝒎𝒎𝒖𝒏𝒊𝒕𝒊𝒆𝒔, 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝒕𝒓𝒊𝒃𝒆𝒔 𝒇𝒓𝒐𝒎 𝒂𝒍𝒍 𝒐𝒗𝒆𝒓 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒘𝒐𝒓𝒍𝒅 𝒄𝒂𝒏 𝒂𝒇𝒇𝒊𝒍𝒊𝒂𝒕𝒆 𝒊𝒏 𝒇𝒓𝒆𝒆 𝒔𝒆𝒍𝒇- 𝒅𝒆𝒕𝒆𝒓𝒎𝒊𝒏𝒂𝒕𝒊𝒐𝒏. 𝑭𝒂𝒎𝒊𝒍𝒚 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝒄𝒐𝒎𝒎𝒖𝒏𝒊𝒕𝒚 𝒂𝒓𝒆 𝒊𝒕𝒔 𝒏𝒂𝒕𝒖𝒓𝒂𝒍 𝒇𝒐𝒖𝒏𝒅𝒂𝒕𝒊𝒐𝒏𝒔; 𝒇𝒓𝒐𝒎 𝒕𝒉𝒆𝒎 𝒂𝒓𝒊𝒔𝒆 𝑮𝒂𝒖, 𝒕𝒓𝒊𝒃𝒆, 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝑽𝒐𝒍𝒌. 𝑮𝒆𝒓𝒎𝒂𝒏 𝒑𝒐𝒑𝒖𝒍𝒂𝒓 𝒓𝒆𝒑𝒓𝒆𝒔𝒆𝒏𝒕𝒂𝒕𝒊𝒐𝒏 𝒄𝒂𝒏 𝒐𝒏𝒍𝒚 𝒃𝒆 𝒐𝒇 𝒂𝒏 𝒐𝒄𝒄𝒖𝒑𝒂𝒕𝒊𝒐𝒏𝒂𝒍 𝒇𝒐𝒓𝒎 𝒘𝒉𝒊𝒄𝒉, 𝒃𝒆𝒈𝒊𝒏𝒏𝒊𝒏𝒈 𝒊𝒏 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒎𝒖𝒏𝒊𝒄𝒊𝒑𝒂𝒍𝒊𝒕𝒚, 𝒄𝒖𝒍𝒎𝒊𝒏𝒂𝒕𝒆𝒔 𝒊𝒏 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑹𝒆𝒊𝒄𝒉𝒔𝒕𝒂𝒈 𝒐𝒇 𝑬𝒔𝒕𝒂𝒕𝒆𝒔 [𝑺𝒕ä𝒏𝒅𝒆𝒓𝒆𝒊𝒄𝒉𝒔𝒕𝒂𝒈]. ❞ - Goals of the German Working-Community pg 204 (Note: the pages from the English translation are cited, not the German one) --- Did Rudolf Jung's advocacy for a constitutional state reflect the later principles of the National Socialist German Worker's Party? 𝙉𝙊. This is where Rudolf Jung's view of National Socialism and the Party's view of National Socialism diverge. The NSDAP adopted a more radical and absolutist approach. Rudolf Jung however was not stripped of his person being influential or foundational to the ideology of National Socialism, nor does it imply he was less of one due to a disagreement in the systemic structure of the state. This article merely compare and contrasts how National Socialism evolved into state absolutism and totality from Ernst Forsthoff's view. Who better to present this, than the official publishing house of the NSDAP. The following excerpts regarding National Socialism as state absolutism and its opposition to Liberalism, Individualism, Capitalism and Marxism are taken from the 1933 NSDAP publication 𝘿𝙚𝙧 𝙎𝙩ä𝙣𝙙𝙞𝙨𝙘𝙝𝙚 𝙂𝙚𝙙𝙖𝙣𝙠𝙚 𝙞𝙢 𝙉𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡𝙨𝙤𝙯𝙞𝙖𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙢𝙪𝙨 or 𝙏𝙝𝙚 𝘾𝙤𝙧𝙥𝙤𝙧𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙨𝙩 𝙄𝙙𝙚𝙖 𝙄𝙣 𝙉𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡 𝙎𝙤𝙘𝙞𝙖𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙢 written by 𝙈𝙖𝙭 𝙁𝙧𝙖𝙪𝙚𝙣𝙙𝙤𝙧𝙛𝙚𝙧 and published by the official publishing house of the NSDAP 𝙁𝙧𝙖𝙣𝙯 𝙀𝙝𝙚𝙧 𝙑𝙚𝙧𝙡𝙖𝙜 𝙉𝙖𝙘𝙝𝙛𝙤𝙡𝙜𝙚𝙧 𝙈𝙖𝙭 𝙁𝙧𝙖𝙪𝙚𝙣𝙙𝙤𝙧𝙛𝙚𝙧 served under the 𝙉𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡 𝙎𝙤𝙘𝙞𝙖𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙩 𝙂𝙚𝙧𝙢𝙖𝙣 𝙎𝙩𝙪𝙙𝙚𝙣𝙩 𝘼𝙨𝙨𝙤𝙘𝙞𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣, he was managing director under the head of the intelligence department 𝙆𝙖𝙧𝙡 𝙇𝙚𝙤𝙣 𝘿𝙪 𝙈𝙤𝙪𝙡𝙞𝙣-𝙀𝙘𝙠𝙖𝙧𝙩 in the Supreme 𝙎𝙩𝙪𝙧𝙢𝙖𝙗𝙩𝙚𝙞𝙡𝙪𝙣𝙜 Leadership (OSAF) in the early 1930s, an editor at the 𝙄𝙡𝙡𝙪𝙨𝙩𝙧𝙞𝙚𝙧𝙩𝙚𝙧 𝘽𝙚𝙤𝙗𝙖𝙘𝙝𝙩𝙚𝙧 and headed the Office for Estates Development of the 𝘿𝙚𝙪𝙩𝙨𝙘𝙝𝙚 𝘼𝙧𝙗𝙚𝙞𝙩𝙨𝙛𝙧𝙤𝙣𝙩 (German Labor Front). His involvement in the National Socialist German Worker's Party was quite extensive and his authority on the function of the NSDAP state structure is supreme with the backing of the 𝙁𝙧𝙖𝙣𝙯 𝙀𝙝𝙚𝙧 𝙑𝙚𝙧𝙡𝙖𝙜 𝙉𝙖𝙘𝙝𝙛𝙤𝙡𝙜𝙚𝙧 publishing house. 𝙏𝙝𝙚 𝘾𝙤𝙧𝙥𝙤𝙧𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙨𝙩 𝙄𝙙𝙚𝙖 𝙄𝙣 𝙉𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡 𝙎𝙤𝙘𝙞𝙖𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙢 --- (𝙊𝙣 𝙄𝙣𝙙𝙞𝙫𝙞𝙙𝙪𝙖𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙢 & 𝙎𝙩𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙨𝙢) ❝ The individual does not live in the world for himself alone, neither spiritually nor physically. On the contrary, by nature and disposition, he is a social being—Aristotle’s zoon politikon—shaped by a myriad of factors rooted partly in the individual himself and partly in the world around him. The consequence of this fact is that the individual is not, and cannot be, the measure of all things; rather, whether voluntarily or by compulsion, he is restricted and encompassed within a framework to the extent required by the preservation of that very framework—that overarching entity transcending the individual, which he must strive to form and maintain. ❞ - Pg 5 ❝ The most significant and prominent form of community-building in the life of nations is the state. The demands placed upon the state have shifted over time, as have the perspectives of individuals—perspectives largely shaped by race. Consequently, the prevailing views regarding the state—its requirements, boundaries, functions, and its relationship both to the individual and to other forms of human organization—have undergone various transformations throughout history. ❞ - Pg 6 (𝙊𝙣 𝙇𝙞𝙗𝙚𝙧𝙖𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙢) ❝ The French Revolution of 1789 brought an end to the era commonly described as "absolutist." It is termed "absolutist" because, at the apex of the state, there existed an absolute—that is, an unconditional and all-encompassing—authority. The prince, or monarch, was—at least in theory—entirely unrestricted in every sphere; he served simultaneously as the supreme statesman, the highest judge, and the ultimate commander-in-chief. Both legally and in practice, he was the symbolic embodiment of the whole—a state of affairs that could not be summarized more aptly or concisely than in the famous phrase: l'état c'est moi ("I am the state"). This perspective also underlay those forms of monarchical government that we encounter as "enlightened absolutism"—a phenomenon revealing that the ruler in question, whether by necessity or by his own volition, had already embraced the ideas of the coming era. The fact that these new concepts were often acknowledged only reluctantly—for the currents of thought that would later lead to the French Revolution were, naturally, already in the air—only serves to cast a brighter light upon those rulers who, out of genuine personal conviction, sought to forge a new relationship between monarch, state, and people. It was Frederick the Great, however, who—by declaring himself the "first servant of the state"—leapt generations ahead of his own time, thereby providing a guiding principle for any form of German socialism for all time to come. ❞ - pg 6 ❝ If one examines the consequences of the Revolution of 1789 more closely, the first prerequisite for understanding it is to recognize that it was a bourgeois revolution, not a proletarian one. Admittedly, its driving force was the lower stratum of the French people. Yet this populace—composed of three estates: the nobility (with the King at its head), the clergy, and the commoners (burghers and peasants)—did not contain a proletariat in the sense of a segment of the people fighting for recognition and spiritual reintegration into the nation. Under the rallying cry of "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity!" the new spirit made its entrance—not only in the land of the revolution itself but throughout Europe. The new goal was democracy, the logical consequence of the new doctrine asserting the equality of all who bear a human face. The bourgeois revolution found its expression in bourgeois liberalism. Old ties were severed, the old order was overthrown, and new concepts took their place. ❞ - pg 7 ❝ The individual was thrust into the foreground; to this new individualism, all traditional bonds appeared as relics of the Ancien Régime—vestiges of a lack of freedom—and the consequences of this new mindset became evident in the realms of state, culture, and scholarship. ❞ - pg 7 ❝ The Stein-Hardenberg reforms of the early 19th century; the era of emerging constitutions around mid-century—which established the constitutional monarchy (limited by a parliament representing the people's rights) as the norm; and finally, the Revolution of 1918—these were the successive stages of this liberal-individualist evolution. It was brought to completion by the unqualified acceptance of democracy, as expressed in the credo of the 1918 revolt: the Weimar Constitution drafted by the Jew Preuß. ❞ - pg 7 (Note: The Weimar Constitution was primarily drafted by Hugo Preuss, a Jewish-German legal scholar, liberal politician, and co-founder of the German Democratic Party) ❝ Individualism derives its name from the premise held by its founders that, originally, only the individual existed. Any subsequent development was viewed as the result of actions taken by individuals based on the principle of expediency. One need only apply this concept to constitutional law to arrive immediately at the theory of the state’s origin that actually prevailed at the time: the doctrine of the social contract. Based on a rational understanding of the expediency of uniting for the individual's benefit—so as to avoid anarchy and the war of all against all—individuals formed a contractually secured community: the state. Specifically, a state aptly described as the night-watchman state. ❞ - pg 7 ❝ If individuals were the bearers of the concept of the state, it was only logical to demand that they also be the bearers of state power—and indeed, in precisely equal shares. For the fundamental principle of democracy was that "all people are equal." The means of asserting these equal shares in government was the parliamentary system, based on universal, equal, and secret suffrage. ❞ - pg 8 ❝ Quantity instead of quality. It was only through this that all the systemic flaws of democracy could fully manifest: that appealing to base instincts could lead to electoral success; that the uncontrollable influence of money—wielded through the press and a thousand other channels—could exploit the democratic system to establish the "rule of the inferior," a rule embodied today by Jewish journalists and corrupt trade union officials. ❞ - pg 9 ❝ In the economic sphere, too, the people were first atomized and subsequently reorganized within new, liberalistic structures. Cartels, trusts, trade unions, consumer cooperatives—one interest group after another emerged—demonstrating, through a destructive "war of all against all," the true reality behind the appealing theory of "laissez-faire." Today, this era has reached its end; an idea that once dominated all of humanity has, in every field, reduced itself to an absurdity. Now, new concepts contend for its legacy. ❞ - pg 11 (𝙊𝙣 𝙈𝙖𝙧𝙭𝙞𝙨𝙢) ❝ Marxism—the body of thought concerning state and economy that traces its origins primarily to Karl Marx—presents a unique case: a reaction against a flawed system that nonetheless adopts all the fundamental errors and fallacies of that very same system as its own foundation. For if liberalism was rooted in materialism, Marx elevated materialism to the very basis of his entire worldview. Even the liberal "night-watchman state"—which was anything but omnipotent—was still considered "too much" of a state; it was to be replaced by a "classless" society operating through collectivist economic forms. The liberal "night-watchman" apparatus was to be transformed into a consumer cooperative—a cooperative whose democratic management and "socialized" property excluded ❞ - pg 11 ❝ If liberalism was individualistic, this same intellectual stance was no less prominent in Marxism—indeed, as evidenced by its perversion into collectivism, it was absolutely fundamental. Furthermore, just as the liberal bourgeoisie was democratic, democracy—not merely as an intellectual orientation but as a form of government—became the hallmark of Marxist aspirations. This is expressed as clearly by the Social Democrat Otto Wels—who preferred to "err with the masses rather than be right against them"—as it is by Lenin, who envisioned a goal where "every cook could govern the state." For one must first be clear about this: the differences between the various shades of Marxists lie solely in the paths chosen to reach the ultimate goal. The ultimate goal itself remains the same in every case, regardless of how often the names of the organizations may change. ❞ - pg 11 ❝ For it has become evident—particularly in Austria—that Social Democracy is nothing more than a branch of Marxism; once in power, this fact becomes so glaringly apparent that Social Democratic "Austro-Marxism" actually rendered the existence of a separate Communist Party superfluous. ❞ - pg 12 ❝ Indeed, the German bourgeoisie did nothing to prevent—and everything to facilitate—driving the working class into the hands of Jewish leaders who, with a sure instinct for the "market climate," capitalized on this lucrative opportunity. For it was around the middle of the last century that the great social restructuring of our people began. Industrialization expanded rapidly; by the end of the century, the agrarian state had transformed into a predominantly industrial nation. Yet, hand in hand with this came the transformation of the peasant into the factory worker. People from the countryside flocked to vast urban centers, offering their labor, only to be enslaved by the liberalist economic system—treated as objects of exploitation and sources of exorbitant profit. The supply of "labor as a commodity" grew ever larger, the plight of the masses worsened, and the number of those living in precarious circumstances—dependent solely on the sale of their labor and thus fitting Karl Marx’s definition of the proletariat—steadily increased. Meanwhile, the bourgeoisie—who, as entrepreneurs, incurred the undying hatred of the exploited—proved incapable of providing the millions with leaders willing to champion their legitimate demands. On the contrary, the state itself was entirely under the sway of liberalist ideology. It positioned itself against the masses demanding their rights; he therefore had to appear to them as a henchman of the "bourgeoisie"—a class that had so completely lost all sense of national identity that it dared to label as "fellows without a fatherland" those very people who were simply seeking their rights against a state that was not their own ❞ - pg 12-13 ❝ Only under these circumstances was Marxism able to teach the German worker to think in terms of classes rather than peoples, and in terms of trade unions rather than states. The German nation was thus split in two, with class struggle deliberately intended to prevent any reconciliation between the factions for all time. ❞ - pg 13 ❝ The facts—economic ones included—demonstrated this: instead of the promised "work and bread for everyone," there was unemployment and hunger. The nature of the general "socialization" was revealed by the fact that the socialized railways—that is, those owned by the state—were returned to a capitalist form, and that the decent segment of the German people was dispossessed by inflation. Major scandals proved that corruption had taken the place of honor and integrity; indeed, the overall record of the state’s leadership by the "men of November 1918" effectively proves their incompetence in every sphere. The system of pure democracy has failed. Not only did the resulting mediocrity make itself disastrously felt at every level, but the system also failed to forge national unity. The people fractured into ever-multiplying factions of special interests—bourgeois and proletarian, the devout and the godless, nationalists and internationalists, producers and consumers—all locked in conflict ❞ - pg 14 ❝ The democratic state is all the less capable of resolving this situation because it has undermined all authority, thereby making firm state leadership impossible. The paradoxical situation in which democracy governed via the dictatorship of Article 48 could not, in the long run, compensate for the system's fundamental structural flaws. While bourgeois liberalism took more than a century to run its course, its proletarian variant [Marxism] succeeded in convincingly demonstrating its failure as a form of government in a mere thirteen years, through the disintegration of the state, culture, and economy ❞ - pg 14 (𝙊𝙣 𝙉𝙖𝙩𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡 𝙎𝙤𝙘𝙞𝙖𝙡𝙞𝙨𝙢) ❝ National Socialism is the movement for the renewal of the German people. Rooted in the most genuine traits and noblest sentiments of the German nation, it feels strong enough to confront all that is rotten, to clear away the decayed and the dusty, to tear down forms that have lost their substance, and to pour new content into new forms. 𝑻𝒉𝒆 𝒕𝒂𝒔𝒌 𝒐𝒇 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒏𝒆𝒘 𝒎𝒐𝒗𝒆𝒎𝒆𝒏𝒕 𝒊𝒔 𝒕𝒐 𝒃𝒓𝒊𝒏𝒈 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑮𝒆𝒓𝒎𝒂𝒏 𝒑𝒆𝒐𝒑𝒍𝒆 𝒊𝒏𝒕𝒐 𝒂 𝑨𝑩𝑺𝑶𝑳𝑼𝑻𝑰𝑺𝑻 𝑶𝑹𝑫𝑬𝑹 that enables them to secure their existence for centuries to come. The revaluation of all values—the application of new standards in every sphere—demonstrates that a new worldview is on the verge of becoming the common property of the nation. The result of this new way of thinking is not merely a new association for practical ends, but a new type of human being. For National Socialism, the Volk—the people—stands at the center of all considerations: the German people as they have evolved over millennia, a unity of character, language, and culture. Its goal is to ensure their continued preservation and to facilitate their physical and intellectual advancement and elevation. The nation is not viewed as a random collection of individuals; rather, it is a distinct concept—an organic whole that has grown over time, composed of parts with differing functions. It is a sacred duty to preserve and further develop this whole, and not to interfere with nature by destroying the people's distinctive character—an act that would inevitably invite the punishment of decline ❞ - pg 15 ❝ Therefore, National Socialism adopts a racial standpoint, judging the people from that perspective. It consciously draws conclusions from these insights by regarding racial value as the prerequisite for a people's cultural elevation, and thus viewing the preservation and pursuit of the greatest possible purity of blood as its task. And if the German people are to have a mission, it can only be to serve—now and for all future time—as a bastion of Nordic blood, the great race of the world ❞ - pg 16 ❝ The organization of the people, however, is the State. It is the form for the content that is the people. It does not exist for its own sake; its existence is conditioned by the pursuit of a goal—it is merely a means to an end. From this standpoint, the question of its value or lack thereof can only be a question of its suitability or unsuitability for achieving the desired outcome. The goal, however, can only be to enable the people of the state to survive and advance in the world by organizing their strength. The prerequisites for this strength are, physically, the preservation of the purity of the ethnic group and, spiritually, the absolute will to self-assertion. All world history—and perhaps the history of our own people best of all—teaches us that a nation's lack of strength spells its end; and, viewed soberly, the National Socialist state represents the embodiment of the overcoming of all pacifist weakness. ❞ - pg 16 --- 𝙈𝙞𝙨𝙘𝙚𝙡𝙡𝙖𝙣𝙚𝙤𝙪𝙨 𝙌𝙤𝙪𝙩𝙚𝙨 𝙁𝙧𝙤𝙢 𝙉𝙎 𝙇𝙚𝙖𝙙𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙝𝙞𝙥 --- ❝ The rightwing has further completely forgotten that Democracy is fundamentally not German; It is Jewish. It has completely forgotten that this Jewish democracy with its majority decisions has always been without exception only a means towards the destruction of any existing Aryan leadership ❞ - Adolf Hitler, speech in Munich, April 12 1922 Adolf Hitler Collection of Speeches 1922-1945 pg 14 ❝ In our country, the ideals of Liberalism and Democracy have not rescued the German nation from the worst violations conceivable in history. Therefore, National Socialism has had to establish a new and more effective ideal in order to restore to our Volk those basic human rights which had been denied it for one-and-a-half decades ❞ - Adolf Hitler - Speech at Tempelhofer Feld Adolf Hitler Collection of Speeches 1922-1945 pg 398 ❝ The so-called National Socialist revolution vanquished democracy in a democracy with democracy! As everywhere, I followed the path of instruction, education, and slow adaptation. For it was my pride to have brought about this revolution in Germany without a single glass pane shattering, a revolution which led to the greatest upheaval ever seen on earth. It did not destroy even the least of values, but, instead, slowly set things straight, set the course, until finally the great community has found its new form. That was our goal. ❞ - Adolf Hitler - Speech in the Sportpalast - January 30 1941 Adolf Hitler Collection of Speeches 1922-1945 - pg 767 ❝ A Volk gives itself its form through the State. There is only one natural form for each people, only one state. In the natural process of growth, each people finds its form and its State, and finds them again when it has lost them, if only it wants to. National Socialism has broken foreign compulsion and eliminated the unnatural. Germany once again grows into its own state and is once more itself. The best rules, the Fuhrer, and he carries the responsibility because he is best able to bear it. The parliament has ceased to exist. This form of Western democracy has been abolished. The German states established by the grace of counts or by Napoleon have dissipated. The Reich has become one, the new State rises ❞ xitter.cf/spacecatpressV1/status… SOURCES: archive.org/details/B-001-00… archive.org/details/JungRudo…