KENYA 🇰🇪 WHAT I HEARD IN DCI WAITING ROOMS SHOULD WORRY ANYONE SEEKING JUSTICE. I’m a European AI entrepreneur who came to Kenya to help build a business. After the VeGrid/thomas ogutu dispute & messages I reported as threatening, I went to @DCI_Kenya seeking help. Over the course of my case, I have made more than 50 visits to DCI offices, including around 30 to HQ offices on Kiambu Road. This car video was recorded on 18 June 2026, while I was on the ground trying to get my complaint handled. In those waiting rooms, I met lawyers and heard accounts of fake-gold deals, enormous losses and victims struggling to get effective help. Here is what public reporting shows, including developments after this video. On 9 April, Citizen reported the story of Australian investor Andrew Adel Gaballa, whose claimed losses exceeded KSh77.5 million. The reported scheme involved introductions in Dubai, a visit to supposed gold operations in Tanzania, meetings and paperwork in Kenya, insurance payments, legal fees and storage fees. It had the appearance of a serious international transaction. The promised gold was not delivered. The supposed collateral was reported to be fake. July court reporting describes Gaballa’s testimony that US$505,000 went into law-firm accounts, and a mining analyst’s testimony that the bars examined were copper and zinc. An arrest and a charge were reported; the accused denied the charge. But Gaballa’s representative, Nabeel Khan, also publicly complained about the assistance and progress at DCI. Citizen reported that Gaballa was stopped at JKIA when he tried to leave Kenya, with the Australian Embassy intervening. The loss of money was followed by fear, more expenses and a struggle for help. That is the human experience behind the headline. There is another case that deserves attention. On 1 October, Citizen reported that DCI arrested 14 suspects, including THREE SERVING POLICE OFFICERS, in a Nairobi raid involving suspected counterfeit dollars and fake gold bars. The public deserves to know what investigators establish, what happens to the officers involved and whether victims recover anything. Who can a victim trust when serving police officers themselves appear among the suspects? The wider corruption evidence is serious: • EACC’s 2024 survey found that 97.2% of respondents who experienced bribery did not report it to any authority or person. • Among the small group who did report, 69.8% said no action was taken on their reports. • Transparency International Kenya’s separate 2025 survey, conducted across 15 counties, found that nearly 40% of bribes reported by its respondents went to police. These figures demand a serious public response. For a victim, reporting can mean more transport costs, more time away from work, more legal expenses and fear about what happens next. What happens to someone who cannot afford another trip or another month of waiting? And what are taxpayers getting for the money allocated to policing? In its May review of the FY2026/27 budget estimates, Parliament put the National Police Service budget at about KSh147 BILLION, with a substantial share going to personnel. The Auditor-General’s simplified report for FY2024/25 also has a section on police stations operating without motor vehicles. Citizens deserve to see how the budget reaches frontline policing, forensic work, functioning offices and protection for complainants. Publish the actual expenditure, forensic turnaround times, the case backlogs and what happens to complaints against officers. A budget allocation needs to be followed through to services delivered and money accounted for. Foreign investors have to understand this risk too. A convincing introduction, impressive connections or formal-looking paperwork make deals feel safe. Effective access to justice matters when those assurances fail. And that brings me back to my case. DCI has been suppressing evidence requests by @ODPP_KE since March!