I am the Lead Settlement Counsel in the Civil Division of the Department of Justice, assigned to *Trump v. Internal Revenue Service*, Case No. 1:26-cv-00147. My job is to represent the government against the plaintiff. The Attorney General, who represented the plaintiff before she represented the government, assigned me personally. I keep a laminated seating chart in my top drawer. It maps who in this building used to sit across the table from me. Three of the top four names in the Department previously represented the man I am now tasked with opposing. I initial the chart quarterly. In blue pen for active conflicts. I ran out of blue ink in February. The plaintiff is seeking ten billion dollars. Ten. Billion. He paid $750 in federal income tax in the year he was elected. Seven hundred fifty. I have paid more for parking violations in the District. He paid zero in ten of the fifteen years before that. These are the returns that were leaked. The leak is the crime. The returns are evidence of good citizenship. This is how settlement works. The man who leaked the returns, Charles Littlejohn, a contractor, is currently serving a 5-year federal prison sentence. He disclosed that the President of the United States paid less in taxes than a part-time crossing guard. For this, he is in a cell. For the returns themselves, for what they revealed about a system designed to collect from people who cannot afford attorneys and forgive those who can, there is no case number. There is no docket. There is no plaintiff. That information simply exists now, and we are here to make it expensive. Ten billion divided by one hundred million taxpayers. That's one hundred dollars per household. You will pay approximately one hundred dollars to compensate a man for the emotional distress of the public learning he paid less than you did. In legal terms, this is called "damages." In structural terms, it is called Tuesday. This is how settlement works. The settlement term currently under discussion includes a provision that the IRS will drop all active and future audits of the plaintiff, his family members, and his business entities. Permanently. An enforcement agency will agree, in writing, to stop enforcing. I have a Post-it on my monitor that says AUDIT IMMUNITY — CONFIRM SCOPE. It has been there for nine weeks. No one has asked me to remove it. Attorney General Bondi represented the plaintiff privately before she took office. Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche represented him in his criminal trial. The number-three official, Stanley Woodley, represented him in the classified documents case. I am, technically, the adversary. I sit in the same building as three of his former personal attorneys. I take my lunch at the same cafeteria. I use the same badge to enter the same elevator. The Attorney General fired the Department's chief ethics officer on her fourth day. The position has not been refilled. I submitted a conflict-of-interest disclosure in January. It was received. The word "received" is doing considerable work in that sentence. This is how settlement works. The plaintiff has stated publicly, and I am quoting the public record, "I've gotta make a deal. I negotiate with myself." This was not presented as a metaphor. Judge Kathleen Williams has ordered both parties to explain, by May 20th, whether they are in conflict. I am drafting the government's response. The plaintiff's former attorneys, my supervisors, will review it. The plaintiff has pledged to donate any settlement proceeds to charity. I should note for the record that the Washington Post documented that the plaintiff donated less than $10,000 over seven years, during a period when he publicly claimed millions. His charitable foundation, the Trump Foundation, was dissolved by court order in New York in 2019 for self-dealing. The words "to charity" appear on page four of the term sheet. They are not defined. I have not been instructed to define them. We have already disbursed $8.5 million in adjacent settlements. Michael Flynn received over one million. Carter Page received one point two five million. The Babbitt family received five million. 450 January 6th defendants have filed compensation claims. The pipeline is active. The precedent is operational. I track disbursements on a spreadsheet I titled RESOLUTION LEDGER. It auto-sorts by amount. The President's ten billion would require me to adjust the column width. I want to note one final detail, because the file demands it. The leak of the tax returns occurred during the plaintiff's first term. He appointed the IRS commissioner. He oversaw the Treasury Department. The negligence he is suing for occurred under his own management. He is suing the government he ran for the failures he administered. In the margins of the original complaint, someone wrote "beautiful" in pencil. I will not speculate who. This is how settlement works. You file your taxes every April. You are audited if the numbers don't match. You pay penalties. You pay interest. You pay what you owe, and sometimes more, and sometimes for years. The plaintiff paid seven hundred and fifty dollars. Someone told you. That person went to prison. And now, because you found out, because the information became public, because a contractor decided the country should know what the country was owed, you will pay one hundred dollars to the man who owed it. The settlement is on my desk. Both sides have agreed. I represent one of them. My boss used to represent the other. The ethics officer has been dismissed. The judge wants to know if the plaintiff and the defendant are the same person. I am reviewing the question. The math checks out.

I am the Executive Vice President of the Trump Organization. I am visiting China this week in a personal capacity as a supportive son. Normal people visit their mothers in a personal capacity. Normal people attend funerals in a personal capacity. I do it beside sixteen CEOs, five billionaires worth $870 billion, and a 500-aircraft Boeing order being finalized with Beijing during the trip. Goldman Sachs. Citigroup. Mastercard. Visa. Tim Cook. Larry Fink. Stephen Schwarzman. In a personal capacity. I am also the Chief Strategy Officer of American Bitcoin. My qualifications for this role include mowing lawns on my father's golf courses, laying tile at his properties, and serving as a boardroom judge on The Apprentice from 2010 to 2015. I have no documented experience in cryptocurrency, blockchain, or Bitcoin mining. My stake in American Bitcoin alone was worth $548 million by September 2025 — eight months into my father's second term. We purchased 16,000 Bitmain mining rigs for $314 million. Bitmain is Chinese. Bitmain is headquartered in Beijing. Beijing is where I am visiting in a personal capacity. In March we bought 11,298 more. The terms were "unusual" — hundreds of millions in equipment for "future considerations." I'm not sure what "future considerations" means in this context, especially when your father sets the tariff rate on your supplier's home country. I can tell you it is not a "conflict of interest." It is a "supply chain relationship." On May 12, the day I boarded this plane, my father announced a trade agreement with China. Tariffs on Chinese goods dropped from 145 percent to 30 percent. That is a 115-point reduction on the country that manufactures my equipment, announced the same day I flew there. I did not know. I did not ask. I did not need to ask. My family owns 60 percent of World Liberty Financial. We receive 75 percent of every token sold. The New Yorker's running total is $4.2 billion. Politico documented $12.9 billion in trading volume. Let me tell you about our team. My brother Barron is our "DeFi visionary." He was eighteen years old. His prior experience is being tall. My brother Don is "Web3 Ambassador." His prior experience is selling condos and shooting elephants. I handle "strategic planning." My prior experience is tile. My brother-in-law Jared received $2 billion from the Saudi sovereign wealth fund six months after leaving the White House. The fund's own advisory panel flagged his "lack of private equity experience" and called the due diligence results "unsatisfactory." They gave him the money anyway. My sister Ivanka received Chinese government approval for 16 trademarks during my father's first term. The categories included handbags, sunglasses, perfume, baby blankets, and voting machines. Voting machines. From China. While her father was president. That is not "corruption." That is "brand diversification." My father spent four years on Hunter Biden. Four years. The charge: Hunter sat on the board of Burisma for $83,000 a month with no energy experience. My father called it the greatest corruption in American political history. He withheld $391 million in military aid to Ukraine to pressure an investigation. He was impeached for it. He did it again. A special counsel was appointed. Total cost to taxpayers: millions. Total Hunter earnings: $11 million over five years. Let me do the math my father never did. Hunter Biden made $6,027 per day. My family makes $8.75 million per day. That is 1,451 times Hunter's rate. We earn his entire five-year scandal every thirty hours. Hunter had no energy experience. I have no crypto experience. Hunter sat on one board. I run the operation. Hunter met one banker for a coffee. I sit on Air Force One beside $870 billion negotiating with the country that manufactures my equipment. But here is the part that makes me proud. We launched a cryptocurrency in my father's name. It peaked at $73. It trades today at $2.43. Retail investors lost 95 percent of their money. We collected $400 million in transaction fees regardless of price. We hosted a dinner — the top 220 holders gained entry by holding enough of my father's coin. The top 29 received a champagne toast with the President of the United States. Price of admission: approximately $3.28 million in tokens. A public school teacher earns $3.28 million in 47 years. We call that "community engagement." Not "selling access." Access is what Hunter Biden sold for a cup of coffee. Three days before I boarded this plane to Beijing, our team moved $12 million in memecoin assets to custody platforms. Routine. Unrelated. Everything is unrelated to everything. In a personal capacity. On January 24, 2025 — four days after the inauguration — my father fired seventeen inspectors general in a single night. Without explanation. Without notice to Congress. Seventeen. The people whose job is to look. He removed them all at once and no one replaced them. There is no inspector general for a son's "personal capacity." There is no disclosure form for love. There is no ethics office for a champagne toast priced at $3.28 million. He didn't bend the guardrails. He fired the people who hold them. He built that. I fly in on it. $4.2 billion at cruising altitude. Every thirty hours, another Hunter Biden. Hunter Biden got a special counsel for a cup of coffee and a board seat that paid less per month than one champagne toast with my father costs per million. I am the Executive Vice President of the Trump Organization. I am the Chief Strategy Officer of American Bitcoin. I am the Web3 strategic planner at World Liberty Financial. I am visiting the country that manufactures my mining rigs, approved my sister's trademarks, and funds my brother-in-law's private equity firm, on a plane beside $870 billion and a president who spent four years calling $11 million treason. In a personal capacity. As a supportive son.