The Kurdish Movement in Iran and the Need for Self-Reliance as the Path Forward Six months ago, amid an atmosphere fraught with tension and complexity, I assumed the role of representative of the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (PDKI) in the United States. During this period, in my discussions with politicians, researchers, and media outlets, I have strived to clarify what the Kurdish people want and what strength and capacity exist in Rojhelat (Eastern Kurdistan). This experience has reinforced a core conviction within me: if we want others to believe in us and support us, we must first believe in our own power and demonstrate it through concrete action. The history of the Kurdish struggle in Rojhelat is replete with examples of this conviction. Since the founding of the Democratic Party in 1945, this movement has confronted repression, assassinations, and internal divisions; at times, its very survival has hung in the balance. Yet, whenever deprived of external support, our nation's legitimate rights, belief in freedom, and popular support have kept this struggle alive. Above all, what has sustained us has been faith in our cause. Since 1979, the Islamic Republic has navigated numerous crises, yet it has persisted in suppressing people at home and meddling across the region. Today, US and Israeli military strikes, combined with economic pressure, have put the regime in a precarious position. I believe the seriousness of this confrontation by the US and Israel and its impact on weakening the Iranian regime are noteworthy. Our responsibility is to understand how to leverage these circumstances and turn them into tangible gains for our nation. To do this, we must accurately understand foreign powers' intentions. The United States prioritizes its own interests and security above all else. Washington focuses on preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons, diminishing its military capabilities, and curtailing its threats. Trump has spoken of creating conditions for the regime to be overthrown by the Iranian people, and Netanyahu has explicitly identified the regime’s downfall as a goal. However, we must never forget that their interests will not align with our goals in every circumstance. How, then, can we expect a foreign power to topple the regime, unite the opposition, build a democratic alternative, and secure the rights of Kurds, Arabs, Turks, Baluchs, and other marginalized nations in Iran? Where does our own responsibility lie? An American friend once asked me: *"Do you expect America to care more about Iran than you do?"* We must take this question seriously. No outside nation can decide in our place, organize us, or build our future for us. From what I have observed, a significant portion of the Iranian opposition remains preoccupied with mutual delegitimization. From the monarchists to elements of the left and the MEK (Mujahideen), every faction views itself as the sole authentic representative of the Iranian people, yet refuses to recognize the standing and rights of those who disagree. The rights of subjugated nations are rarely even acknowledged. We cannot remain unwilling to reach a consensus and accept one another while expecting the United States to unite us and dismantle the regime. We as Kurds must bear an even greater sense of this responsibility. We possess a legacy of resistance, organizing experience, and roots deeply planted among our people. Therefore, we should not tie our every move to a green light or guarantees from Washington, nor should we gamble away our legitimate national demands on a piece of paper. If we seek external support, we must demonstrate through action that we are serious in our struggle, capable of mobilizing the people, and possess a leadership ready to make decisions and shoulder the consequences. The formation of the alliance among the political forces of Rojhelat represents one of the most vital achievements of this juncture. However, this alliance must move beyond joint statements and meetings; it must manifest in decisive action. The true value of unity reveals itself when, in moments of necessity, we are capable of taking collective decisions, advancing together, and shouldering the responsibility of leading our people. For this, we need to renew and fortify our vanguard forces. A vanguard must know the history, values, and capabilities of its people, and comprehend their aspirations. It must learn from the past while looking to the future; it must assess current realities accurately and understand where it is headed. Loyalty to past struggles holds meaning only when we are capable of charting a viable path toward our goals. The very essence of the *Peshmerga* ethos has always been the effort to change the status quo imposed on the Kurds. A wise vanguard understands the landscape, calculates relative forces and risks, but never surrenders to the prevailing reality. If we accept the conditions imposed upon us, what meaning remains for our struggle for change? Nor should the experiences of Bashur (Southern Kurdistan) and Rojava (Western Kurdistan) be reduced merely to mistrust toward the United States. In those experiences, we see both the limits of foreign backing and the decisive value of our own power and resolve. Through defending their land and people and through sacrifices in the fight against ISIS, the Peshmerga and Kurdish forces in Rojava established themselves as indispensable partners of the international coalition. That standing was earned through struggle and a decisive presence on the ground. Today, we must consolidate our unity, summon the courage to make decisions, and mobilize the power of our people toward achieving our national objectives. The lesson of these past six months for me is clear: if we stand on our own feet, believe in our own power and capability, and act with conviction, we can win allies and support. But if we do not believe in ourselves, how can we expect others to believe in us?