Educator/Researcher/Feminist Activist ———————————Woman Life Freedom——————-Free Iran ✌️
England, United Kingdom
Joined April 2009
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Prohibit the Public Glorification of Ali #Khamenei and Memorial Events Honouring Him - Sign the Petition! c.org/VrLCdVwkyv via @UKChange
Please sign and share
#Iran
Dorreh Khatibi-Hill retweeted
درود
از دیماه ۱۴۰۴ و از راه اینستگرم کمکهای ایرانیان بیرون ایران رو جمع کردم و به این روش به صدها مجروح و خانواده های جاویدنامان کمک رساندم.
حالا و پس از اسپیس جمعه شب، از راه X ( توییتر) هم این مسیر را ادامه خواهم داد. امیدوارم و میدانم که میتوانیم “سوگند به خون یاران… ایستاده‌ایم تا پایان” را از شعار به شعور تبدیل کنیم.
برای همراهی و یاری‌رسانی از طریق تیم من و خودم، به خانواده‌های جاویدنامان فقط در ایکس یا اینستاگرام «Help» و «یاری» را بفرستید.
نکات قابل توجه:
• فقط از بیرون ایران کمک دریافت میکنم(دلیلش امنیت بازماندگان کشتاره.) فقط در یک صورت میتونم از ایران قبول کنم که کریپتو(رمزارز)
باشه.
• برای کمکهای بالای پانصد(یورو/دلار/پوند) از خودم حساب روولوت، وایز، ای ترنسفر یا زل بگیرید(بسته به کشوری که درش هستید.)
• برای ارقام پایین تر از این مبلغ، در اینستاگرام به خواهرم dorreh_khatibi پیام بدید( با پی‌پل هم میتونید.)
…یا خودتان پیش‌دستی کنید و در گروههای آشناتان جمع کنید و به کف برسانید و به من پیام دهید.
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instagram.com/
dorreh_khatibi
#پاينده_ایران_جاویدشاه
#KingRezaPahlaviForIran
Dorreh Khatibi-Hill retweeted
فاطمه عینی، زندانی محبوس در زندان لاکان رشت که پیشتر از بابت اتهامات مرتبط با جرائم مواد مخدر به #اعدام محکوم شده بود، جهت اجرای حکم به سلول انفرادی این زندان منتقل شد.
#فاطمه_عینی
ow.ly/Jfrl50ZYV7v
Dorreh Khatibi-Hill retweeted
امیر صباغی، عابدین گلشنی، سمیرا محبی، مهدی صباغی، ابوالفضل صباغی، حمید صباغی و سعید جاوید از بازداشت‌شدگان اعتراضات دیماه ۱۴۰۴ توسط دادگاه انقلاب تهران مجموعا به ۶۰ سال و شش ماه حبس محکوم شدند. از میان این افراد خانم محبی در زندان قرچک ورامین و مابقی زندانیان در زندان تهران بزرگ محبوس هستند.
#امیر_صباغی #عابدین_گلشنی #سمیرا_محبی #مهدی_صباغی #ابوالفضل_صباغی #حمید_صباغی #سعید_جاوید #اعتراضات_۱۴۰۴
ow.ly/8Wje50ZYWxh
Dorreh Khatibi-Hill retweeted
روزهایی بودکه حتی برای سوگواری و دیده‌شدن تصویرم هم تحت فشار بودم.دیده نشو . حرف نزن.سکوت کن.هنوز هم ماتحت فشار امنیتی هستیم.به روشهای مختلف...
#سیاوش_محمودی
Dorreh Khatibi-Hill retweeted
فلورا صمدانی و احمد جعفری نعیمی، زوج بهائی ساکن یزد، توسط شعبه اول دادگاه انقلاب این شهر مجموعاً به سه سال و شش ماه و دو روز #حبس محکوم شدند.
#فلورا_صمدانی
#احمد_جعفری_نعیمی
ow.ly/epc850ZYoz6
Dorreh Khatibi-Hill retweeted
شیرین نجفی خواهر کوچک جاویدنام #حدیث_نجفی در یک پست اینستاگرامی، عکس کبودیهاب بدنش رو منتشر کرده و کمک خواسته تا از شر همسر آزارگر نجاتش بدند… نوشته که جانش در خطره!
#خانواده_به_مثابه_رژیم_سرکوبگر
The Islamic Republic claimed that terrorists killed Iranians on the streets during January’s protests.
In the message below, a woman whose husband was killed says his life insurance claim was rejected because his death is classified as “suicide”.
Why? She says the insurer company has stated the regime had notified everyone that security forces had permission to shoot protesters, so anyone who chose to protest knowingly risked death and was therefore considered suicidal.
So many families have been left devastated by the loss of their loved ones, only to face further oppression, injustice and financial hardship. Even after losing those they love, they are being subjected to further suffering.
Dorreh Khatibi-Hill retweeted
این صدای تار «علی‌سینا مصطفوی» است؛ نوازنده و کوهنوردی که صبح چهارشنبه ۲۲مهر۱۴۰۵ در زندان مرکزی کرمان اعدام شد.
قوه قضاییه جمهوری اسلامی از اجرای حکم اعدام این نوازنده به اتهام «محاربه» و تیراندازی در کرمان خبر داده و اعلام کرده است که حکم او پس از تایید دیوان عالی کشور اجرا شده است.
علی‌سینا مصطفوی، نوازنده تار و کوهنورد حرفهای، از بازداشت‌شدگان اعتراضات دی۱۴۰۴ بود. رسانه‌های حقوق بشری گزارش داده‌اند که از او اعترافات اجباری گرفته شده است.
یک روز پیش از اعدام نیز خبر انتقال او به سلول انفرادی زندان کرمان منتشر شده بود.
این تصاویر، علی‌سینا مصطفوی را در حال نواختن تار نشان می‌دهد؛ صدای سازی که از او باقی مانده است.
Dorreh Khatibi-Hill retweeted
11 October | International Day of the Girl Child
This year, the United Nations is focusing on “Ending child marriage and investing in girls’ rights”, emphasising every girl’s right to education, safety, freedom of choice and the opportunity to build her own future. But in Iran, we are still fighting for the most basic right of all: the right of girls to STAY ALIVE.
How can we talk about girls’ futures in a country where the state itself is responsible for killing and repressing them, rather than protecting them? The girls you see in this video are among the children killed by the Islamic Republic’s security forces. Girls who were denied the chance to grow up, study, build their career, fall in love and build a future of their own.
During the Woman, Life, Freedom protests, and January protests many children were killed. Many teenage girls and boys were also arrested and imprisoned for protesting against the regime. Families of those killed, along with relatives of political prisoners, have faced intimidation, harassment and pressure.
Even schools, which should be among the safest places for girls to learn and grow, have become places of fear. We have not forgotten the series of poisonings with gas at girls’ schools across Iran.
But the dangers girls face in Iran extend far beyond the streets and classrooms. Girls are also killed in their own homes, sometimes by their fathers, brothers or other male relatives, in the name of so-called “honour”. Some are killed simply for having a romantic relationship, refusing a forced marriage or attempting to make decisions about their own lives. The Islamic Republic bears responsibility for failing to protect these girls. Its discriminatory laws fail to provide adequate protection against violence and shield perpetrators from the full consequences of their crimes. Under Iranian law, fathers and paternal grandfathers are exempt from qisas for killing their children.
In the same country, child marriage remains legal. Girls are forced into marriage at a young age, sometimes enduring years of domestic abuse with little access to protection or a safe way out. Some of these girls have later been sentenced to death for the alleged murder of their husbands. A state that failed to protect them from early marriage and violence during childhood ultimately took their lives in adulthood.
Today, the world is talking about empowering girls, providing equal opportunities and giving them the freedom to shape their futures.
But how can we speak about their dreams and futures when their lives are not even safe in their homes, schools or on the streets?
How can we talk about girls’ rights when the laws of their own country not only fail to protect them but also perpetuate the structures of discrimination and violence against them?
In Iran, before we can even begin to talk about girls’ futures, we are still fighting for their right to stay alive.
On International Day of the Girl Child, we remember the girls whose lives and futures were stolen from them. We must not forget those who continue to face discrimination, violence and repression.
Girls in Iran deserve more than survival. They have the right to grow up safely, receive an education, make their own choices and build their own futures.
#InternationalDayOfTheGirl #Iran
@shahrak_ekbatan
@UN_HRC @UNWatch @drmaisato @UN_Women
Dorreh Khatibi-Hill retweeted
الهی قربونت برم من
دور سرت بگردم
همه ای وجودم فدای خال لبت💔
الهی قربونت برم
الهی قربونت برم
#سهند_ناصری
11 October | International Day of the Girl Child
This year, the United Nations is focusing on “Ending child marriage and investing in girls’ rights”, emphasising every girl’s right to education, safety, freedom of choice and the opportunity to build her own future. But in Iran, we are still fighting for the most basic right of all: the right of girls to STAY ALIVE.
How can we talk about girls’ futures in a country where the state itself is responsible for killing and repressing them, rather than protecting them? The girls you see in this video are among the children killed by the Islamic Republic’s security forces. Girls who were denied the chance to grow up, study, build their career, fall in love and build a future of their own.
During the Woman, Life, Freedom protests, and January protests many children were killed. Many teenage girls and boys were also arrested and imprisoned for protesting against the regime. Families of those killed, along with relatives of political prisoners, have faced intimidation, harassment and pressure.
Even schools, which should be among the safest places for girls to learn and grow, have become places of fear. We have not forgotten the series of poisonings with gas at girls’ schools across Iran.
But the dangers girls face in Iran extend far beyond the streets and classrooms. Girls are also killed in their own homes, sometimes by their fathers, brothers or other male relatives, in the name of so-called “honour”. Some are killed simply for having a romantic relationship, refusing a forced marriage or attempting to make decisions about their own lives. The Islamic Republic bears responsibility for failing to protect these girls. Its discriminatory laws fail to provide adequate protection against violence and shield perpetrators from the full consequences of their crimes. Under Iranian law, fathers and paternal grandfathers are exempt from qisas for killing their children.
In the same country, child marriage remains legal. Girls are forced into marriage at a young age, sometimes enduring years of domestic abuse with little access to protection or a safe way out. Some of these girls have later been sentenced to death for the alleged murder of their husbands. A state that failed to protect them from early marriage and violence during childhood ultimately took their lives in adulthood.
Today, the world is talking about empowering girls, providing equal opportunities and giving them the freedom to shape their futures.
But how can we speak about their dreams and futures when their lives are not even safe in their homes, schools or on the streets?
How can we talk about girls’ rights when the laws of their own country not only fail to protect them but also perpetuate the structures of discrimination and violence against them?
In Iran, before we can even begin to talk about girls’ futures, we are still fighting for their right to stay alive.
On International Day of the Girl Child, we remember the girls whose lives and futures were stolen from them. We must not forget those who continue to face discrimination, violence and repression.
Girls in Iran deserve more than survival. They have the right to grow up safely, receive an education, make their own choices and build their own futures.
#InternationalDayOfTheGirl #Iran
@shahrak_ekbatan
@UN_HRC @UNWatch @drmaisato @UN_Women
Dorreh Khatibi-Hill retweeted
❌هشدار: محتوای آزاردهنده؛ شکنجه جنسی مادر یک معترض پرونده «میدان علیخانی»
-ماموران در زندان جلوی چشم این جوان، به سینه‌ها و اندام جنسی مادرش دست زدند و به او گفتند: «صدا بدی، همین الان مادرت را اعدام می‌کنیم.» بعد او مجبور میشه سناریوی بازجو را بنویسه
“In some of these cases, death sentences are handed down after trials lasting only hours, often on the basis of confessions broadcast before trial, while lawyers are obstructed or punished (Day 8). Some executions are carried out in public, turning death into a spectacle and forcing families and onlookers to watch (Day 7). Even after an execution, families may be denied their loved one's body, restricted in how they mourn, and intimidated into silence (Day 9).”
Today is the World Day Against the Death Penalty. Over the past 11 days, I have posted daily on death penalty cases my mandate has raised with the authorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Most executions in Iran are for qisas or drug offences, and these are the cases that rarely reach my mandate. Qisas accounts for roughly half of all executions. Under it, whether a person lives or dies rests largely with the victim’s family and on whether the accused can pay diya (Day 5). Drug offences account for most of the rest. Those executed are mostly couriers driven by poverty, convicted of offences that do not meet the ‘most serious crimes’ threshold under international human rights law (Day 6).
For ethnic and religious minorities, the discrimination they face in daily life, from restrictions on language to economic exclusion, carries through into the criminal justice process. It shapes arrest, trial and sentencing, including in capital cases (Day 3). Gender intersects with ethnicity, religion, political activity and other aspects of identity to produce distinct forms of discrimination and abuse, including gendered violence in detention (Day 2).
The death penalty is also used against those who challenge the State and its policies. People who took part in protests, and even those who helped the injured, have been sentenced to death, often after being labelled spies or terrorists (Day 10). Under the 2025 Espionage Law, even a photograph of a bombed building can become part of a capital case (Day 4). Children are not spared either. People continue to face execution for acts allegedly committed when they were under 18 (Day 1).
In some of these cases, death sentences are handed down after trials lasting only hours, often on the basis of confessions broadcast before trial, while lawyers are obstructed or punished (Day 8). Some executions are carried out in public, turning death into a spectacle and forcing families and onlookers to watch (Day 7). Even after an execution, families may be denied their loved one's body, restricted in how they mourn, and intimidated into silence (Day 9).
Calls for abolition are coming from within Iranian society. Families keep vigil, and people stayed in Alikhani Square through the night to try to stop a public execution. Opposition to the death penalty also comes from inside Iran’s prisons. For more than two years and 8 months, prisoners have gone on hunger strike every Tuesday under the ‘No to Execution Tuesdays’ campaign, which now spans in at least 66 prisons. Earlier this year, a 16-day strike at Ghezel Hesar Prison won a suspension of drug-related executions there, if only temporarily.
I am grateful to the families who entrusted my mandate with their loved ones' stories, often at great personal risk, and to the civil society organisations and journalists who bring these cases to light despite facing threats themselves.
The Iranian authorities have responded to many of my communications. I welcome continued dialogue, including on the ongoing revision of the Anti-Narcotics Law, which offers a concrete opportunity to significantly restrict the death penalty for drug offences, and other changes that can bring its practice closer to international human rights standards.
In 2026, at least 600 people, and possibly as many as 1,000, are reported to have been executed. The need for a moratorium pending abolition has never been greater. I urge the authorities to establish an official moratorium on all executions with a view to abolishing the death penalty.
- Day 0 Countdown to the World Day Against the Death Penalty: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21046…
- Day 1 Children: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21049…
- Day 2 Women: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21053…
- Day 3 Minorities: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21056…
- Day 4 Security-related charges: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21059…
- Day 5 Qisas: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21063…
- Day 6: Drugs: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21066…
- Day 7 Public executions: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21070…
- Day 8 Due process: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21073…
- Day 9 Families: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21077…
- Day 10 Protests: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21080…
- Day 11 Press release with other UN experts: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21085…
Dorreh Khatibi-Hill retweeted
ملتمسانه ازتون می خوام به بابا سر بزنید بابا از تنهایی قلبش می گیره بابا عاشق حرف زدن با آدما بود الان تنهاست😭😭😭
#حسین_ناصری بهشت زهرا قطعه ۷۹، ردیف ۱۰۹ شماره ۵۵
Dorreh Khatibi-Hill retweeted
ملیکه (فاطمه) حقیقت، شهروند ساکن گرگان که در زندان این شهر محبوس است، با گذشت ۸۰ روز از زمان بازداشت، کماکان در بلاتکلیفی قضایی به سر می‌برد.
#ملیکه_حقیقت #فاطمه_حقیقت
ow.ly/Wq8w50ZW9Jp
Dorreh Khatibi-Hill retweeted
حکم اعدام #امید_گودرزوند_چگینی در دیوان عالی تایید شده
-امید ۳۷ سالشه. از نیروی انتظامی جدا شده بوده و در اعتراضات دی در صف مردم بوده. ج.ا به بهانه آتش گرفتن ورودی استانداری قزوین، قصد جان او را داره
Dorreh Khatibi-Hill retweeted
این روزها با خیلی از خانواده‌های همدردم در ارتباطم و از فشارهای جمهوری اسلامی که بعد از وایرال شدن روایت‌هاشون متحمل می‌شن، حرفهای زیادی می‌شنوم
خواهش میکنم، به‌خصوص از دوستان رسانه‌ای، اگر قرار است روایتی از یک خانواده با ذکر نام منتشر شود، خود خانواده منبع خبر باشد
هر خبری که از خانواده‌ها وایرال میشه، لزوما توسط خود خانواده منتشر نشده. گاهی یک دردِدل از یک خانواده که در جمعی دوستانه مطرح شده، تبدیل به خبر و روایت عمومی میشه، بی‌آنکه خود خانواده در جریان انتشارش باشه.
پشت هر روایت، یک خانواده داغداره، آدم‌هایی که ممکنه بیش از هر چیز همین روزها به کمی امنیت نیاز داشته باشن
Dorreh Khatibi-Hill retweeted
این عکس #محسن_بابائیان، معترضی است که ۳۰ سال داره و به اعدام محکوم شده
-محسن نصاب سیستم‌های فیبرنوری است. ج.ا او را به محاربه متهم کرده
Dorreh Khatibi-Hill retweeted
بهاره آقایی، وکیل دادگستری، به ۲۰ سال حبس محکوم شد
بهاره آقایی، وکیل دادگستری، به اتهام‌هایی از جمله «تبلیغ علیه نظام»، شرکت در اعتراضات و کمک به خانواده‌های جاویدنام‌ها به ۲۰ سال حبس محکوم شده است.
بر اساس اطلاعات دریافتی از یک منبع نزدیک درباره آخرین وضعیت این وکیل دادگستری حاکی است که بهاره آقایی در جریان اعتراضات دیماه ۱۴۰۴، با انتشار استوری در شبکه‌های اجتماعی از حضور در تجمعات و اعتراضات حمایت می‌کرد و دیگران را نیز به حضور در خیابان تشویق می‌کرد. او همچنین به خانواده‌های دادخواه و خانواده‌های جاویدنام‌ها کمک می‌کرد.
بر اساس این اطلاعات، آقایی در مراسم چهلم جاویدنام سپهر شکری نیز حضور داشته و در این مراسم شعار داده بود. ماموران حاضر در مراسم از او فیلم و عکس تهیه کرده بودند.
بر اساس این گزارش، شامگاه ۱۵ فروردین ۱۴۰۵، حدود ساعت ۱۰ شب، ۱۰ مامور، شامل یک زن و ۹ مرد، به منزل بهاره آقایی مراجعه کردند و ضمن تفتیش خانه، تلفن‌های همراه و دیگر وسایل الکترونیکی خانواده را با خود بردند.
پس از این بازداشت، خانواده و نزدیکان بهاره آقایی حدود دو هفته از وضعیت و محل نگهداری او اطلاعی نداشتند تا اینکه او پس از این مدت با خانواده تماس گرفت و گفت حالش خوب است.
پس از گذشت حدود یک ماه و با پیگیری‌های خانواده، مشخص شد پرونده او در کدام شعبه بازپرسی قرار دارد. با این حال، آقایی در دوران بازداشت برای مدتی در بازداشتگاه اطلاعات نگهداری می‌شده و بازپرسی‌های پرونده نیز بدون اطلاع‌رسانی کافی به خانواده انجام می‌شده است. او تا پیش از انتقال به زندان قرچک ورامین، تنها یکی دو بار با خانواده تماس گرفته و از وضعیت خود خبر داده بود.
همچنین، قاضی پرونده با بهاره آقایی برخورد خصمانه‌ای داشته است. دلیل این برخورد، انتشار یک استوری درباره قاضی پرونده عنوان شده است.
آقایی پیش از بازداشت درباره این قاضی در صفحه مجازی خود و احکام سنگین علیه معترضان و زندانیان استوری‌هایی منتشرکرده بود.
بهاره آقایی اکنون در زندان قرچک ورامین محبوس است و به ۲۰ سال حبس محکوم شده است.
#بهاره_آقایی #وکیل #وکلای_زندانی
Dorreh Khatibi-Hill retweeted
In Iran, the toll of the death penalty falls not only on those executed but also on their families, both before and after the execution. This week marked yet more executions of protesters who participated in the December 2025–January 2026 protests. One of the men executed was Alireza Sepahi. He had been due to be publicly executed alongside two other protesters in Isfahan’s Alikhani Square on 28 July, but he suffered a heart attack shortly beforehand and was taken to hospital. Since then, he and his family had lived under the constant threat of execution, without a clear understanding of when it might happen. This Monday, that wait ended (see my post on public executions: xitter.cf/drmaisato/status/21070…).
The worst had happened, yet for his family the horror continued. His body was reportedly not returned to his family for burial in Isfahan. Instead, it was transferred to Kashan, 200 km away from his home. Sadly, this is not an isolated example.
Sepahi’s case shows that families are at the forefront of the suffering not only while their loved ones are in detention, but also after their execution. Losing a loved one is painful, but being unable to speak about their story, honour their life, or come together to mourn inflicts further needless suffering. Withholding a body or forcing a family to bury elsewhere is a tactic to control the narrative, silence the living and supress remembrance. Similar tactics were used following the December-January protests. Families of those executed were often pressured to accept the state’s portrayal of their loved ones as terrorists or murderers rather than protesters. Families of those killed in the protests were similarly pushed to claim their relatives were Basij members. When families speak up, they often face repression, and in some cases detention and prosecution. Others are left to carry their pain in silence.
In my communications to the Government, I have stressed that intentionally inflicting such suffering on family members through uncertainty, denial of information, refusal to return bodies, restrictions on mourning, or denial of a final visit, may amount to cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment of the relatives (see below communications on this matter).
Since the December-January protests, many families have been reluctant to give their consent for my mandate to raise the cases of their loved ones with the authorities, even when those loved ones were already on death row. They feared that this could have adverse consequences for their loved ones or lead to the further arrest and persecution of other members of the family. Such intimidation undermines not only the right to freedom of opinion and expression, but also the right to truth and, ultimately, the pursuit for justice and accountability.
Losing a loved one is difficult. Families should not be made to suffer further through secrecy, uncertainty, restrictions on mourning, or the denial of a final goodbye. An execution should not be followed by further punishment of the family. The authorities should return the bodies to their families, allow them to bury their loved ones with dignity, and respect their right to tell their story, mourn and remember.
My mandate’s communication regarding Hamid Hosseinnezhad Heidaranlou: spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe…
Government’s response: spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe…
My mandate’s communication regarding Behrouz Alkhani: spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe…
Government’s response: spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe…
My mandate’s communication regarding Habibollah Golparipour: spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe…
Government’s response: spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMRe…
“On the night of 27 July, people kept vigil in Alikhani Square until dawn. There is something profoundly human about it: standing in the darkness so that another person does not have to face death alone.”
This comes from the testimonies of people who rushed to Alikhani Square that night.
The square had been prepared for the public execution of three protesters from the January 2026 protests in Isfahan. A scaffold had been erected; families had been summoned. There was a heavy security presence surrounding the area.
People rushed there to stop the executions. They were met with violence, including lethal force. Yet people stayed refusing to give up on the men's lives until the very last moment. Gathering to plead for a life is not a crime, least of all against a public execution, which is incompatible with international human rights law.
In the end, two of the three men were executed that night in public before the eyes of their families, and of the people who had spent the night hoping to save them. They were made to witness every moment.
Public execution turns death into a spectacle and exposes an entire society to the violence of the State.
Alireza Sepahi was not executed that night, but he was far from safe. He was executed today, 5 October. He was arrested at his home on 10 January 2026, and was one of 12 defendants sentenced to death in the case concerning the deaths of four security personnel at Alikhani Square, which the defendants were accused of causing.
The case has been accompanied by serious allegations concerning the treatment of the defendants and the fairness of the proceedings. Reports say that Sepahi’s mother was tortured in his presence, and that he and his cousin were beaten and tortured in front of members of their family. Sepahi was sentenced to death by the Isfahan Revolutionary Court and was scheduled to be publicly hanged that night, alongside the other two men. But shortly before the scheduled execution, he suffered a heart attack and was transferred to hospital. He was discharged a few days later and returned to prison, where he lived every day in fear of execution, until the moment arrived.
On 2 September, his appeal was accepted and his case was referred for retrial. However, the Isfahan Revolutionary Court reportedly dismissed the application without holding a hearing. The sentence was carried our early hours of 5 October, while his lawyer and legal counsel were still trying to find a way for his retrial.
Public executions constitute cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment. No one should face this punishment, and no society should be made to watch.
My mandate’s communication about Alireza Sepahi would be published here soon.
spcommreports.ohchr.org/Tmse…