Little Seed Gardens-market garden, registered Randall cattle, first gen farm, since 1995

Valatie, NY
Joined February 2013
Ostrom & co ont analysé des centaines de communs, (systèmes d'irrigation, forêts, pêcheries ou pâturages gérés collectivement), pour comprendre pourquoi certains échouaient et d'autres réussissaient. Et la recette de la réussite est assez simple. Il n'y a que quelques principes à respecter : 1⃣ limites clairement définies (missions / frontières géographiques) ; 2⃣ mécanismes de décisions collectives ; 3⃣ mécanismes de contrôle ; 4⃣ mécanismes de résolution des conflits ; 5⃣ sanctions graduées ; 6⃣ juridictions imbriquées. Que ce soit pour coexploiter une ressource naturelle, cohabiter dans un lieu ou cotravailler dans une entreprise, ce sont les mêmes principes de coopération qui s'appliquent. Comme l'a écrit Elinor Ostrom, l'objectif, c'est de parvenir à s'organiser"when all face temptations to free-ride, shirk, or otherwise act opportunistically." Or, malheureusement, nos sociétés n'appliquent pas correctement ces principes de gouvernance ce qui mène à de graves défaillances. L'un des principes les plus lourdement bafoués, c'est le principe n°2 sur les décisions collectives. En effet, dans nos sociétés, les décisions qui impliquent le collectif sont généralement prises par des chefs élus ou non élus qui décident à la place des autres. Lorsque ces chefs sont bien choisis, spécialisés, compétents et que leurs intérêts sont alignés avec ceux des autres, tout va bien. Mais quand ce n'est pas le cas (et c'est rarement le cas au sommet), c'est là que les problèmes commencent. Les "grands chefs" — élus, hauts-fonctionnaires ou dirigeants de grandes entreprises — ont des pouvoirs excessivement concentrés ce qui engendre les problèmes suivants : 1⃣ capture (ils servent leurs intérêts ou les intérêts d'autres puissants au détriment de l'intérêt général); 2⃣ erreurs (ils sont trop généralistes, débordés et déconnecté de la base donc ils ont tendance à commettre des erreurs) ; 3⃣ immobilisme (ils sont incapables de résoudre les problèmes importants pour les mêmes raisons). L'exemple le plus flagrant de surconcentration du pouvoir, c'est le président de la république qui a des pouvoirs quasiment monarchiques et peut intervenir dans tous les domaines. Et c'est pareil pour les députés qui peuvent légiférer sur tout alors qu'on pourrait très bien imaginer des assemblées spécialisés dans des domaines très précis. Mais comme on a un pouvoir législatif généraliste, composé d'un petit nombre de politiciens professionnels qui passent plus de temps à faire de la com qu'à légiférer, le résultat, c'est que 99% des normes sont produites par l'exécutif, de manière non-démocratique et chaotique. Mais pourquoi est-ce qu'on confie autant de pouvoir a une poignée de généralistes qui le délègue ensuite à une bureaucratie qu'ils contrôlent très mal, malgré tous les problèmes que cela engendre ? La réponse est simple : l'élection de masse. Nos régimes politiques étant électoraux, et les élections de masse étant peu fréquentes par nature, le système nous oblige à concentrer le pouvoir entre les mains d'une poignée de chefs généralistes. Dès lors, comment déconcentrer le pouvoir ? Voici la solution : 1/ Abolir le vote de masse. 2/ Créer des juridictions fonctionnelles imbriquées. 3/ Les doter d'assemblées citoyennes tirées au sort qui prennent les décisions collectives. Comme on l'a vu, l'élection de masse produit inévitablement une surconcentration du pouvoir. Elle a aussi le tort d'engendrer des partis politiques professionnels généralistes voués à faire de la com, se compromettre auprès des groupes d'intérêts et diviser la société. C'est un véritable fléau. L'autre façon de voter en masse, c'est le référendum. Et même s'il est préférable à l'élection, il souffre du même problème logistique : on ne peut pas demander à tout le monde de voter tout le temps. Donc cela ne peut pas suffire. D'ailleurs, on devrait toujours s'assurer que les gens soient un minimum informés avant de voter. Le vote de masse ne le permet pas, ce qui est désastreux. Demander aux gens de voter alors qu'ils ne sont pas informés, c'est comme si on demandait à un jury de rendre son verdict avant d'avoir entendu les plaidoiries. Et on ne peut pas s'attendre à ce que les gens fassent l'effort de s'informer pour participer à un vote de masse alors que leur voix ne vaut rien. Donc le vote de masse, c'est de la merde, on oublie. Ce qu'on pourrait faire à la place, c'est créer une nouvelle constitution en mettant le tirage au sort au centre du jeu démocratique. Quand on participe à une assemblée citoyenne, son vote a un impact, on participe à des débats et on s'informe correctement, ce qui permet d'obtenir des décisions pertinentes. Mais pour généraliser cette pratique, il faut préalablement organiser le travail en divisant la société en juridictions sectorielles imbriquées les unes dans les autres. Ex : une juridiction nationale dédiée au secteur du bâtiment est chargée de donner un cadre et des règles générales à ses juridictions subalternes plus ou moins locales (dédiées à la maçonnerie, à la plomberie, etc.) qui sont elles-mêmes chargées de réguler leurs entreprises spécialisées, former les apprentis, délivrer des licences, contrôler, etc. Et chaque juridiction serait dotée d'organes décisionnels composés de gens tirés au sort. Par exemple, un organe chargé de sélectionner les problèmes à résoudre, un autre chargé de délibérer et de voter des solutions, un autre chargé de créer les règles internes, embaucher le personnel et évaluer les performances, etc. Les mandats des tirés au sort pourraient être plus ou moins longs avec des roulements décalés pour qu'il y ait toujours des anciens avec des nouveaux. Et il pourrait y avoir un certain % de pros du secteur et un certain % de gens ordinaires pour allier connaissances spécialisées et intérêt général. Pour les grosses juridictions, on pourrait avoir des centaines de tirés au sort et pour les petites, quelques dizaines. Et cela serait également adapté aux entreprises au-delà d'une certaine taille. Voilà comment on déconcentre le pouvoir et on remplace les grands chefs ainsi que les élections de masse par un véritable système démocratique où les décisions sont prises collégialement au sein d'assemblées délibérantes vraiment représentatives, incorruptibles et alignées sur l'intérêt général. Je précise que c'est un excellent moyen de prendre des décisions qui ont un impact collectif important : construire une route, réguler un métier, etc. Chaque juridiction pourrait choisir de prendre certaines décisions via son organe de vote ou bien d'embaucher des chefs qui prennent des décisions à sa place (des contrôleurs, des enquêteurs, etc.). Bien entendu, il faudrait évidemment inclure des corps pour résoudre les conflits intra-sectoriels ou inter-sectoriels. Ils seraient peuplés de jurys tirés au sort, comme on le fait déjà aux assises, pour que le système soit parfaitement cohérent. Dans ce système, le marché serait un outil comme un autre pour allouer les ressources à l'intérieur du cadre réglementaire. Par exemple, une juridiction dédiée à la pêche pourrait décider d'organiser des enchères pour allouer un spot de pêche pendant x années, exploitable de x manières avec x engins, etc. Idem pour ceux qui prennent une licence d'exploitation d'une parcelle, d'une ressource ou d'un équipement collectif. Ils payent un loyer à leur juridiction de tutelle correspondant + ou - à la valeur locative de leur licence, ce qui correspond exactement à la proposition georgiste et permet de décorréler la fiscalité du travail. Le loyer pourrait être déterminé aux enchères ou estimé par des assesseurs. Ainsi, les juridictions pourraient financer leur fonctionnement interne ainsi que des projets collectifs, voire des dividendes. Et comme elles seraient imbriquées, la hiérarchie ferait remonter de l'argent vers le sommet pour financer l'armée ou n'importe quel projet d'envergure nationale voire supra-nationale. Autrement dit, ce système permet d'allier démocratie et coordination à grande échelle sans passer par le mécanisme archaïque et inefficace de l'élection de masse.
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What damage do economies that bless #rentseeking inflict upon themselves? To tax wealth-producing work/trade/innovation instead of collecting location and natural resource rent is to impose deadweight losses of at least $2 for each $1 raised. Hence downward spirals all around.🌐
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Happy Birthday, Henry George. Henry George was born 187 years ago today, and it is one of the stranger injustices in American intellectual history that most people have never heard of him. In 1879 a self-taught journalist published Progress and Poverty. It sold millions of copies—more than any other book in English except the Bible for a stretch of the 1890s. It asked why poverty deepened as technology and wealth exploded. His answer: the community creates the value of land; private capture of that unearned rent drives inequality, speculation, and boom-bust cycles. Tax the land, untax work and trade. Simple. Radical. Classical. Though it cited individual liberty as the source of all social progress, that book also helped ignite the Progressive Era. Reformers, labor activists, and municipal governments were motivated by his diagnosis of privilege and his demand for equal opportunity. At the same time, later anti-statists—Albert Jay Nock, Frank Chodorov, and the strain now called geolibertarian—saw in him a man who advocated true laissez-faire: no taxes on production, a state funded only by the value the community itself creates. He sits in both the libertarian and progressive family trees. Most founders of movements do not. He wrote like a prophet. His 1877 Fourth of July oration treats liberty not as a slogan but as the condition of virtue, wealth, and knowledge—and its full realization as “the City of God on earth.” Einstein, Tolstoy, Shaw, Dewey, and Sun Yat-sen all took him seriously. When he died in 1897 while running for mayor of New York, the funeral was one of the largest the city had seen. It is unusually unfair that he faded. His book outsold almost everything. He influenced both the American left’s reform tradition and the American right’s later libertarian one. His central problem—progress that does not lift the bottom—has not gone away. Housing costs, land speculation, and the tax burden on labor are still with us. There is a strong case to be made that universities teach "neo-classical" economics merely to avoid addressing the land issue and Henry George. He has no statues, stamps or street names because he was correct and those in power don't care about fairness or the future of humanity as much as hanging on to the status quo.
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Max Hirsch’s "Democracy Versus Socialism" (1901) treats “democratic socialism” as a contradiction in terms. For him the problem is not that socialists sometimes hold elections; it is that the economic program they all share—collective ownership and state management of land and the means of production—destroys the conditions that make democracy possible. Hirsch defined socialism by the demand on which he said every socialist school agreed: the state must acquire all land, transport, tools, machinery and industrial capital and then operate every industry through its officials. Every adult would become a state employee. Markets, money, private capital and independent enterprises would disappear. That arrangement, he argued, replaces the vast, voluntary, unconscious co-operation of a market society with conscious, compulsory co-operation directed from the centre. Once the state is the sole employer, landlord and distributor, its bureaucracy necessarily acquires “an unprecedented power of daily and hourly interference with every detail of the life of the whole population.” No previous despot—czar, sultan or Caesar—possessed such reach. Political elections cannot offset this, because there are no longer independent economic reference points (market prices, competing employers, private property in produced wealth) against which officials can be judged or constrained. Policy becomes an exercise of will rather than an adjustment to objective facts. The result, Hirsch predicted, is not popular self-government but “absolute despotism on the one hand and absolute slavery for the great majority on the other.” He also attacked the ethical foundation. Socialists, he wrote, treat rights as gifts of society that society may withdraw. That doctrine abolishes the natural rights—especially the right of free industry and the right to the product of one’s labour—that democracy presupposes. Without those rights, “democracy” is only a label for majority (or bureaucratic) control over every person’s livelihood. Hirsch’s alternative was the opposite of both monopoly capitalism and socialism: secure private property in capital and labour products, free competition, and the single tax that would collect the full rental value of land for public use. That combination, he claimed, removes the genuine source of unearned privilege without concentrating industrial power in the state. In short, he would have said that adding the adjective “democratic” does not change the centralising logic of socialism; it merely disguises the loss of the individual independence on which democracy actually rests.
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willy denner retweeted
Replying to @tlanderso @Handre
The Gracchi Brothers in Rome “also Henry George” had the solution to solve the welfare state, give the population back their land & they were killed for it by the senate bc intermediation to land use is how extraction works.
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willy denner retweeted
I was in Morocco a few weeks ago visiting olive farmers. I find that not only they live better than Spanish farmers, they actually earn more than Spanish farmers. The key difference? A low regulatory environment.
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Replying to @STVNews
@STVNews reporting this with a cheery bounce in its voice, as if this Perthshire family are somehow delighted to be giving their blueberries away. A Land Value Tax would keep this family in business. 🔰 It lifts the burden from labour and production, taxing only the economic rent that comes from the land’s location and best use - rather than punishing the work of growing the crop. Our media is working against us. They’re too thick or ignorant to realise that what they’ve just reported is another clear sign of the slow collapse of Scottish farming under the current system. Our Scottish devolved parliament has the power now to stsrt making these changes. @ScotlandTh82958 – at Cardenden, Scotland
A fruit farm in Blairgowrie has invited the public to pick blueberries to prevent them from going to waste. Thomas Thomson stopped growing the fruit commercially after it became too expensive.
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willy denner retweeted
Regarding homesteading: I love it here. I love having the option to grow whatever I want. I love seeing the physical product of my labor and knowing it will make our lives more beautiful and efficient. I love the dream that a little work in the morning and evening will keep
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List #Georgist economists who predicted "housing" & financial crises correctly (or incorrectly, if you find any), meaning they named *specific* times they would happen. It's one of the great untold stories in economics. Help tell it. #LVT/#AGR #LandValueTax #georgism #HenryGeorge
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willy denner retweeted
Know-nothing Yglesias strikes again! Let’s talk about the *actual* reason beef prices are high. 1. The Big Four meatpackers created the cattle shortage Yglesias is complaining about by suppressing the price of cattle paid to ranchers to levels below the cost of production over the past two decades. Since the Big Four became entrenched in their control of the Nation’s cattle and beef markets in the late 2000s, they have used a suite of tools—including concerted plant shutdowns, beef imports from their foreign operations, and manipulation of captive cattle supplies—to depress the price of cattle while propping up the price of beef. As a result, between 2010 and 2021, the inflation-adjusted mark-up charged by meatpackers above the cost of cattle more than doubled and the three biggest meatpackers (JBS, Tyson, and Cargill) saw their average quarterly profit margins increase three-fold. Meanwhile, the average annual return on cattle feeding received by producers went from a profit of about $5 per head in the 2000s, down to a loss of about $35-40 per head in the 2010s, and down to an even greater loss of $60-70 per head in the early 2020s. In this context, sustained financial losses have driven more than 150,000 feedlots out of business over the past 20 years and eliminated the incentive for remaining producers to expand cattle output—ultimately causing the Nation’s cattle herd to shrink to approximately 85 million head, its smallest size in 75 years. 2. For example, as recent lawsuits brought by cattle producer association R-CALF as well as large corporations like McDonald’s and Sysco have alleged, from 2009 to 2014 the Big Four were paying steadily increasing prices for cattle. This was due to a natural shortage of cattle brought on by drought, which had spurred cattlemen to reduce their herds. The Big Four responded to the higher prices by closing a total of five plants in quick succession between January 2013 and September 2014, including one of Cargill’s largest plants in Plainview, Texas, which processed more than 4,500 head per day—roughly 5% of all beef production in the country. Ranchers and small feedlot owners with full-grown, fattened cattle didn’t have space or feed to wait out a dip in buying, so they were forced to accept a lower price. By November 2014, cattle prices had leveled off. 3. Before the parallel shutdowns by the Big Four, industry experts widely projected that cattle prices would remain steady in 2015 and for several years after, before experiencing a gradual decline as the drought eased and the inventory of cattle was replenished. But, according to the lawsuits, the Big Four didn’t want to wait for cattle prices to come down on their own. Emboldened by the effectiveness of their parallel shutdowns, the lawsuits allege, the Big Four colluded to make sure the period of elevated prices in cattle markets would be cut short. They came up with a system in which the heads of operations at all of the Big Four directly communicated with each other to temporarily halt cattle buying whenever cattle prices got too high. Because the Big Four controlled so much of the market, the lawsuits allege, even a temporary reduction of kills immediately depressed market prices. When those prices hit an agreed-upon level, the Big Four simultaneously resumed buying. The alleged scheme worked so well that prices for cattle across the US collapsed dramatically in 2015 and then stabilized at levels below the prior trendline. 4. This collusion, per the lawsuits, increased “the meat margin”—the spread between the price paid by the Big Four for fed cattle (cattle fattened in feedlots and ready for slaughter) and the price they charged to wholesale customers for beef. “Even with the drastic collapse in fed cattle prices caused by [the Big Four’s] conspiracy,” the R-CALF lawsuit states, the meatpackers “continued to benefit from record beef prices,” allowing them “to post record per-head meat margins” throughout the late 2010s.
Matthew Yglesias
@mattyglesiasAug 8
US cattle herd is at its lowest size in seventy-five years
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willy denner retweeted
I find it really interesting that everyone knows about the weimar hyperinflation but no one knows about how it ended.
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Replying to @UlrichFY
Le plus problématique n’est pas tant qui vote mais le fait de voter pour des personnes plutôt que sur des mesures. Et si la démocratie directe n’est pas possible quand l’électorat est trop nombreux, la meilleure solution n’est pas d’élire une aristocratie de professionnels de la com et de leur confier un pouvoir excessif. La solution, c’est d’organiser des assemblées citoyennes avec des gens tirés au sort qui délibèrent et légifèrent (y compris sur les règlements). Et si on veut s’assurer que les tirés au sort soient compétents dans tel ou tel domaine, on peut les composer en partie de pros du secteur et le reste de gens ordinaires. De toute façon, il faudrait inviter des experts pour les délibérations. On pourrait aussi imposer un niveau minimum de culture générale (ex : avoir le bac). Et leur travail pourrait aussi consister à assainir les normes qui s’accumulent et qui sont devenues excessivement complexes et bordéliques. Il y a un énorme travail de rationalisation des normes à effectuer et force est de constater que les élus ne font pas le taf. Ils sont trop peu nombreux, trop occupés à faire de la com et trop bloqués.
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Copying a policy that spurred the NYC housing boom c1920-30; @larsiusprime proposes something similar. KC already gives tax abatements to everyone who asks (essentially). The difference is that a DALT only exempts the cost of the new construction. Seems like an easy tweak.
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willy denner retweeted
Did this Canadian data project a while back and felt like sharing it today. I wanted to test the familiar wage-price spiral story: are rising wages an initiating source of inflation, or are workers largely trying to catch up with costs that rose earlier? Using Statistics Canada and Bank of Canada data, I tested a different sequence: Credit and mortgage conditions → housing and land prices → shelter, rent and mortgage-interest costs → delayed wage adjustment. The clearest lead-lag results found new housing price inflation leading mortgage-interest CPI by roughly 22 months, while shelter inflation led hourly wage growth by roughly 12 months. Most of the paired direction tests and reduced-form regressions also favoured cost pressures predicting later wage growth rather than wages predicting later cost pressures. There were counterexamples, particularly in some weekly earnings measures, so this is not evidence of a universal or mechanically causal relationship. Still, the overall evidence is more consistent with wages responding to prior housing and cost-of-living pressures than initiating them. That raises a broader policy question: rather than suppressing wages or aggregate demand, could capturing more land and other economic rents help limit the asset-price channel feeding those costs? Full article, charts and methodology: samsteprojects.github.io/Can…
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willy denner retweeted
The WWII economy is the proof case that directed credit + controlled overhead = industrial supremacy, and the post-1980 economy is the proof case that deregulated credit + speculative land = industrial collapse. Both ran long enough to settle the argument empirically.
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willy denner retweeted
Replying to @MerrynSW
Land value is according to its highest and best legally permissible use. As a replacement for other taxes it eliminates excess burden. If artificial scarcity increases rents the current owners are unwilling to pay under current land use, someone else more willing to pay is a win.
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No one can refute the below because it so simply demonstrates that the "tax" being levied via LVT is just a normal payment for land but is just directed towards the government, so it can't be considered a burden on top of price because LVT just changes the flow of the price.
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willy denner retweeted
In Allegheny, Pennsylvania, it's been decades since the last countywide reassessment was conducted. In 2024, a vendor quoted them $30 million to conduct an outsourced revaluation. A team of volunteers just used open source tech to do it themselves for ~$0 instead.
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willy denner retweeted
A few quotes from founding fathers on land monopoly and oppression of the landless. savingcommunities.org/histor…
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