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More a collection of bookmarks to remember articles read, and to be read, than anything else. (Re-)Tweet is not necessarily an endorsement.

Toronto, Canada
Joined April 2018
Photo by SpikeToronto (@SpikeToronto)Photo by SpikeToronto (@SpikeToronto)Photo by SpikeToronto (@SpikeToronto)Photo by SpikeToronto (@SpikeToronto)Photo by SpikeToronto (@SpikeToronto)Photo by SpikeToronto (@SpikeToronto)Photo by SpikeToronto (@SpikeToronto)Photo by SpikeToronto (@SpikeToronto)Photo by SpikeToronto (@SpikeToronto)Photo by SpikeToronto (@SpikeToronto)
Kristallnacht! 9–10 November 1938, in color. 88 years ago tonight, Nazi SA members, Hitler Youth, and civilians attacked Jewish homes, synagogues, and businesses across Germany and Austria. Shop windows were smashed, the word “Jude” was painted on storefronts, and streets were filled with broken glass. Roughly 7,500 Jewish businesses were damaged or destroyed, about 30,000 Jewish men were arrested and sent to concentration camps, and dozens of people were killed. These colorized photographs show the aftermath: passers-by walking past shattered shop windows and uniformed men standing amid the debris of a ransacked store. Never forget!
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Continuing with my staff revitalization initiative, I'd like to take a brief detour to announce a newly created emergency position, never before seen in American history. For the prestigious role of Chief Election Denier of the United States (When We Lose), I introduce none other than the GREAT Mike Lindell! Bio: Mike was born a crack baby in Minnesota in 1961. Through sheer determination, and a unique ability to micro-dose black tar heroin throughout his entire youth, he overcame the odds to become the world's greatest pillow salesman. His election denial accolades are equally impressive. In 2020, he famously proved, beyond any doubt whatsoever, that the election was stolen from Donald Trump. So confident was he in his irrefutable evidence that he offered a $1 million reward to anyone who could prove him wrong. Despite someone promptly doing exactly that, and a court ultimately ordering him to pay the reward, Mike never wavered in his convictions. That is integrity. Any fool can be wrong. It takes a true patriot to be wrong and bet a million dollars on it. I have no doubt he will be tremendously successful in his new position as Chief Election Denier of the United States (When We Lose).
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New Video Alert: The Pale of Settlement: How the Russian Empire Confined Millions of Jews to This Border (1791–1917)
The Pale of Settlement: the largest Jewish world of its time. From 1791 to 1917, the Russian Empire restricted most Jews to a defined western territory—roughly the area of modern Belarus, Moldova, much of Lithuania and Ukraine, and parts of Poland and the western Russian borderlands. Created after the partitions of Poland brought large Jewish populations under Russian rule, it became home to nearly five million Jews by the 1897 census—about 40% of the world’s Jews at the time. Ninety-nine percent spoke Yiddish. The great majority lived in towns and shtetls rather than the countryside. Major centers included Warsaw, Odessa, Łódź, Vilna, Minsk, Białystok, and many smaller places whose wooden synagogues, market days, study houses, and family courtyards defined everyday Jewish life. Within these borders, a distinctive culture took shape: Yiddish literature, Hasidism and its opponents, modern political movements, and the dense communal networks that later shaped Jewish communities in America, Israel, and elsewhere. The Pale was a legal restriction, not a free choice. It also contained the largest continuous Jewish society of the modern era until it was formally abolished after the 1917 revolutions. The photographs and records that survive from its towns remain one of the clearest windows into how most Eastern European Jews actually lived. Are you curious about Jewish history? Follow for more.
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New video about the subject! youtu.be/7CYQ4pqCxlA
The Pale of Settlement: the largest Jewish world of its time. From 1791 to 1917, the Russian Empire restricted most Jews to a defined western territory—roughly the area of modern Belarus, Moldova, much of Lithuania and Ukraine, and parts of Poland and the western Russian borderlands. Created after the partitions of Poland brought large Jewish populations under Russian rule, it became home to nearly five million Jews by the 1897 census—about 40% of the world’s Jews at the time. Ninety-nine percent spoke Yiddish. The great majority lived in towns and shtetls rather than the countryside. Major centers included Warsaw, Odessa, Łódź, Vilna, Minsk, Białystok, and many smaller places whose wooden synagogues, market days, study houses, and family courtyards defined everyday Jewish life. Within these borders, a distinctive culture took shape: Yiddish literature, Hasidism and its opponents, modern political movements, and the dense communal networks that later shaped Jewish communities in America, Israel, and elsewhere. The Pale was a legal restriction, not a free choice. It also contained the largest continuous Jewish society of the modern era until it was formally abolished after the 1917 revolutions. The photographs and records that survive from its towns remain one of the clearest windows into how most Eastern European Jews actually lived. Are you curious about Jewish history? Follow for more.
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The history of Conservative Judaism Conservative Judaism took shape as a middle path that sought to conserve traditional Jewish practice while accepting the tools of modern historical scholarship. Its intellectual roots lie in mid nineteenth century Germany with Zacharias Frankel. Frankel called his approach positive historical Judaism. He insisted that Jewish law and custom carry binding force because they express the living experience of the Jewish people across generations, yet he also allowed that the tradition has always developed over time. At the 1845 rabbinical conference in Frankfurt he broke with the emerging Reform movement when it proposed sharply reducing the use of Hebrew in the service. In 1854 he became the first head of the Jewish Theological Seminary in Breslau, where his outlook trained a generation of rabbis who valued both rigorous study and continuity with earlier practice. The American movement emerged in direct response to the radical direction of Reform. In 1883 the first class of rabbis ordained at Hebrew Union College was honored at a banquet that served non kosher food. The episode, known as the trefa banquet, shocked traditionalists. Two years later the Pittsburgh Platform of 1885 rejected many ritual laws and the idea of Jewish peoplehood. In 1886 a group of moderate rabbis and lay leaders, including Sabato Morais, founded the Jewish Theological Seminary of America in New York to train rabbis who would uphold Mosaic law while remaining open to historical inquiry and American life. The seminary struggled until 1902, when Solomon Schechter arrived from Cambridge University as its president. Schechter was a major scholar of the Cairo Geniza and an advocate of what he called Catholic Israel, the idea that the consensus of the observant Jewish people over time is the ultimate source of religious authority. Under his leadership the seminary became a serious center of learning. In 1913 he helped establish the United Synagogue of America as the congregational body of the movement. Schechter and his students presented a Judaism that retained Hebrew liturgy, Sabbath and dietary observance, and the authority of Jewish law, while allowing measured change justified by historical study rather than by abstract philosophy alone. The movement grew rapidly with the children and grandchildren of Eastern European immigrants who wanted a form of Judaism that felt familiar yet compatible with American education and suburbia. After the Second World War it became the largest Jewish denomination in the United States for a time, as new congregations appeared across the expanding suburbs. Its motto was tradition and change. Later decades saw internal debates over the ordination of women, the role of historical criticism, and the proper pace of legal adaptation. Institutions such as the Rabbinical Assembly and the Committee on Jewish Law and Standards gave the movement a process for deciding questions of practice. Conservative Judaism remains defined by its effort to hold both loyalty to the inherited legal tradition and openness to responsible development. Its history is the record of that ongoing attempt to keep Jewish life continuous with the past while remaining livable in the present. Zachariah Frankel, JTS NYC, Solomon Shechter Follow for more.
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Let me simplify: Abdul belongs to a cross-national network of different nationalities and ethnicities. What brings them together is their belief that Islam is a superior religion, and a superior form of government. This is called Islamism. His marriage to an Indian wife is not diversity, but the Islamist connection. The Islamist allegiance to states they are citizens of is usually ceremonial. His non Muslim voters are globalists who don’t understand the menace of cross-national identity.
A politician who is about to wield influence in Washington is always subject to scrutiny. Abdul El-Sayed’s rise to the US Senate has Michigan talking, but his Indian connection at home is interesting. Very interesting. Bhatkal is a name Indians remember from some of the darkest years of Islamist terrorism in this country. His wife, Dr Sarah Jukaku, traces her family roots to Bhatkal in Karnataka - a town whose name became notorious for the formation of the Islamic terrorist group - the Indian Mujahideen - that carried out multiple terror attacks in India. The terror group’s leadership included brothers Riyaz and Iqbal Bhatkal along with Yasin Bhatkal masterminding major serial bomb blasts across the country. His father-in-law, Dr Tayeb Jukaku, served on the founders’ committee of the Islamic Society of North America and held leadership positions at CAIR Michigan. Both organisations were named as unindicted co-conspirators in the Holy Land Foundation terrorism-financing case. El-Sayed’s own record raises questions that deserve answers and they begin in Egypt. In 2012, he signed a statement supporting then-President of Egypt Mohamed Morsi, a Muslim Brotherhood leader, and backing his controversial decree shielding presidential decisions from judicial review. The statement also called for the media and police to be purged. A year earlier, El-Sayed had written that fears of a Muslim Brotherhood takeover should not deter American support for Egypt’s pro-democracy protests. Then there are the 2012 posts by his half-sister, Eman Abdelhadi. She wrote that her family had long been associated with the Muslim Brotherhood and referred to their mother’s activism in the organisation in the 1970s. So, the American leftist media can celebrate a historic victory all it likes. But a historic victory does not make a politician’s past and present disappear.
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The History of Reform Judaism Reform Judaism is the story of Jews confronting modernity after the walls of the European ghettos began to fall. In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, emancipation promised legal equality and social acceptance. Many German Jews wanted to remain Jewish while fully joining the surrounding culture. They looked to the Enlightenment and the Haskalah for tools that would let them keep ethical monotheism and prophetic ideals without practices that set them apart from their neighbors. The first concrete steps came from Israel Jacobson, a lay leader in Westphalia. In 1810 he held what is widely regarded as the first Reform service in a school chapel in Seesen. The liturgy was in German rather than Hebrew. An organ and choir accompanied the prayers. Confirmation ceremonies were introduced for both boys and girls. These changes spread. In 1818 the Hamburg Temple opened as the first permanent Reform congregation. Its founders deliberately called the building a temple rather than a synagogue. They omitted prayers for the restoration of sacrifices and for a return to Zion, signaling that they no longer awaited a messianic restoration of the ancient Temple in Jerusalem. Intellectual leadership soon followed. Abraham Geiger argued that Judaism had always evolved and that historical study, not unchanging law, should guide its future. He saw the essence of the faith in monotheism and ethics. Samuel Holdheim pushed further, treating many traditional legal rules, including parts of marriage and divorce law, as obsolete once Jews lived under modern civil codes. Rabbinical conferences in Brunswick in 1844, Frankfurt in 1845, and Breslau in 1846 gave these ideas a more organized form and showed that Reform was becoming a distinct movement. The movement found its strongest institutional home in the United States. Early American experiments appeared in Charleston, South Carolina, in the 1820s. Large numbers of German speaking Jews arrived in the mid nineteenth century. Isaac Mayer Wise, who reached America in 1846, became the central organizer. He published the prayer book Minhag America, helped create the Union of American Hebrew Congregations in 1873, founded Hebrew Union College in Cincinnati in 1875 to train rabbis for the American setting, and later established the Central Conference of American Rabbis. Classical Reform received its clearest statement in the Pittsburgh Platform of 1885. The platform declared that Jews form a religious community rather than a nation. It rejected any expectation of a return to Palestine. It accepted as binding only the moral laws of the Mosaic legislation and discarded rituals, including dietary laws, that reformers judged incompatible with modern civilization. It stressed ethical monotheism, social justice, and harmony with science. The twentieth century brought revision. The rise of antisemitism in Europe and the mass arrival of Eastern European Jews changed American Jewish life. In 1937 the Columbus Platform reaffirmed progressive principles while recognizing Jewish peoplehood and supporting the building of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. Later platforms continued to balance universal ethics with renewed attention to Hebrew, traditional practices, and particular Jewish identity. Today Reform Judaism is the largest denomination among affiliated American Jews. Its institutions support hundreds of congregations, rabbinic training, youth education, and social action. The movement’s history remains one of continuous adaptation: an effort to keep Judaism intellectually coherent and practically viable for Jews who live fully inside modern societies. Israel Jacobson left, Abraham Geiger right. Temple Emmanuel NYC, a Reform Siddur. (prayer book). Curious about Jewish history. Follow today.
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88 years ago today, the November Pogrom (also known as Kristallnacht) began in Nazi Germany. Considered by many to be the first violent act of the Shoah, the pogrom saw hundreds of synagogues destroyed, thousands of Jewish businesses attacked, Jews murdered and approximately 30,000 Jewish men arrested and sent to concentration camps. But I think it is important that we understand the November Pogrom in the context of what had already happened to German Jews. The Nazis had been in power for almost six years. During that time, Jews had been systematically excluded from German society, stripped of their citizenship, removed from professions and increasingly denied the right to participate in the country in which they had lived for generations. The violence of November 1938 was not an isolated event. It was part of a much longer process of persecution that had already fundamentally transformed Jewish life in Germany. The Nazis did not begin with the systematic murder of six million Jews. They began by identifying Jews as a problem, defining us as outsiders and progressively removing our rights, our security and our place in society. I often hear people discuss the lessons of the Holocaust as though they are primarily universal lessons about intolerance, prejudice or the dangers of hatred. We have become so accustomed to universalising the Shoah that we sometimes forget its most fundamental lesson. Do not persecute Jews. The Shoah was not an abstract tragedy about the dangers of hatred. It was the systematic persecution and murder of the Jewish people because we were Jews. Its victims were targeted because of their Jewishness, and any meaningful understanding of its lessons must begin with that fact. And I think this is particularly important today. We are living through a period in which Jews are once again being attacked, threatened, excluded and held collectively responsible for events in Israel. We are told that our Jewishness is acceptable only when it conforms to the political expectations of others, that our fears are exaggerated and that the hatred directed towards us is somehow understandable in the context of contemporary politics. Remembering the November Pogrom must mean more than condemning the Jew-hate of the past. It must also mean recognising and confronting the Jew-hate of the present, even when it comes from people whose politics we share, whose causes we support or whose approval we seek. The Jewish people should not have to wait until we are being murdered for the world to recognise that our persecution matters.
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All non-Fascist members of Italian Parliament lose their seats. Antonio Gramsci, leader of the now-dissolved Communist Party of Italy, is arrested.
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November 9 is the International Day Against Fascism and Antisemitism, observed on the anniversary of the 1938 Kristallnacht pogrom. It is a day to remember the consequences of Nazi persecution and to confront the hatred that turns people and communities against one another. In this conversation with Ted Koppel at 92NY on November 21, 2013, Elie Wiesel recalls visiting war-torn Yugoslavia. He challenges the comforting idea that people k*ll only because they do not know each other: he encountered violence between neighbors and people from the same families.
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On the night of November 9–10, 1938, the Nazi regime unleashed a wave of anti-Jewish violence known as Kristallnacht. Synagogues burned, Jewish homes and businesses were attacked, and tens of thousands of Jewish men were arrested and sent to concentration camps. It was a major escalation of Nazi persecution, years before the end of the Holocaust. On its 88th anniversary, we revisit Elie Wiesel’s May 28, 2008 lecture at 92NY. He explains why remembering the past carries a responsibility toward others. His message is about the purpose of remembrance: to help prevent the suffering of one generation from becoming the future of another.
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Who was Shmuel Hanagid? Samuel ha-Nagid (Shmuel ibn Naghrillah, 993–1056) was one of the most extraordinary figures of the Spanish Golden Age. Born in Córdoba, he rose from a merchant’s son and shopkeeper to become grand vizier and military commander of the Muslim taifa of Granada under the Zirid Berber rulers Habbus and Badis. For nearly two decades he led Muslim armies into battle against Seville, Almería, and other rivals while simultaneously serving as nagid (leader) of Spanish Jewry. He wrote Hebrew war poetry from the field, composed biblical commentaries and Hebrew grammar works, patronized scholars across the Jewish world (from Spain to the Babylonian academies and Jerusalem), and rebuilt Jewish cultural life in Granada after the fall of Córdoba. His career marked the absolute high point of Jewish political and cultural power in medieval Muslim Spain. Ten years after his death, his son Joseph was killed in the 1066 Granada massacre that ended the family’s influence. A Jewish statesman, general, and poet who commanded Muslim armies and wrote Hebrew verse about the battles. The Golden Age at its most dramatic. Curious about more Jewish history?
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Over Shabbat dinner last Friday in Las Vegas, a sweet lady turned to me and said: "So Rawan, your mother tongue is Farsi, right?" I looked at her, speechless. Finally I said, "Why would it be? I'm half Syrian, half Lebanese. Arabic is my mother tongue." "Okay, so these are two different languages," she said. I would have thought that since 9/11, Americans knew Arabic is a language: the language of the Quran and of the Arab world. I didn't like my reaction. Jet-lagged or not, I told myself, I should find the patience to respond gracefully. Then another American Jew asked me to explain the difference between Sunni and Shia Muslims. I told him to ask the internet. I could be nicer, but I don't want to be. I am running low on patience. Political Islam destroyed the Middle East we escaped, and it intends to take over the West where we settled. Every once in a while, a horrific attack makes the news. We watch the culture transform. We watch our backs, and we watch what our children are taught. October 7 was a declaration of war on Western civilization. Yet most people still struggle to understand why the US attacked Iran. They can't connect the dots, not even between Hamas and the IRGC, or between Qatar and progressive students' support for the Palestinian cause. The masses are enchanted, and they are opening the doors to the enemy voluntarily. Across from the Bundestag, a German throws his flag on the ground and raises the Palestinian flag in its place. Across Europe, feminists side with the misogynistic regime in Iran. And in our bastion of freedom, the United States, Mamdani is mayor of New York and El-Sayed has just been elected the first Muslim senator in American history. Many Michigan Jews refused to vote for him. But nearly six in ten of those who voted early still did. Atheists are siding with jihadists. Since October 7, I have spent endless nights in dusty hotels around the world instead of in my comfortable home with my child. We are at war, and I owe him a fight for his future, and for the future of his children and their children. I am doing all I can to share my insights, raise awareness and say out loud what many won't. Including hundreds of hours on planes, in trains, on hair and make up. Trivialities, logistics, emails and comments. So help me, will you? Since we are at war, at least take the time to learn the basics, so you can understand what is happening around us, to us, and ultimately to future generations. Learn about political Islam and its history. Learn about the feud between Sunnis and Shia. Learn what happened in Iran in 1979. Learn about the Jews: their relationship with the Prophet Muhammad, their Temple, their Jerusalem. Learn about Al-Aqsa and why Islamists are obsessed with that mosque. If I couldn't be bothered to learn, I would have supported the Palestinian cause. It's simple, easy, convenient and popular. It's also dangerous, because in the name of the Palestinian cause we will be stripped of basic freedoms you take for granted. Sooner or later, you too will lose the luxury of ignorance. By then, lamenting won't help us much.
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Today, after 31 years, we are saddened to announce that Salon is ceasing publication. It has been an extraordinary privilege. salon.com/2026/11/05/goodbye…
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In 1968, teenage Red Guards were beating their professors to death with clubs in Beijing courtyards. Meanwhile, Jean-Paul Sartre sat in Paris calling Mao's Cultural Revolution a model of revolutionary democracy. The most celebrated intellectual in France looked at a country burning its own libraries and saw liberation. He sold the Maoist newspaper La Cause du Peuple on French street corners himself, holding it aloft like a sacrament. Between 1966 and 1976, the Cultural Revolution killed between 500,000 and two million people. Schools shut down across the entire country. Students dragged teachers onto stages, hung placards around their necks, forced them to kneel on broken glass, then murdered them. The historian Bian Zhongyun, vice-principal of a girls' school in Beijing, died on August 5, 1966, beaten by her own students with nail-studded clubs. Sartre swooned at this, calling it the people governing themselves. Why did a man this intelligent get it this wrong? Sartre believed knowledge served power, that truth was whatever the revolution required, that the individual existed to be dissolved into the collective will. So when Mao abolished the distinction between teacher and student, between expert and mob, Sartre cheered. He had spent decades arguing that bourgeois reason was a class weapon. Here was a regime taking him at his word and clubbing the reasoners to death. This is what economic illiteracy gets you. Mises had already explained the calculation problem in 1920. Hayek explained dispersed knowledge in 1945. Sartre had access to both and chose the dunce cap of the collective instead, then handed out its propaganda on the Rue de Rennes. He died in 1980, mourned by 50,000 followers, never having retracted a word about Mao. The professors of Beijing got no such funeral, only a philosopher in Paris explaining that their murder was freedom.
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Jordan comes from the Hebrew word Yarden (to flow down/to descend) because the river drops from the Mount Hermon to the Dead Sea. In Arabic, Jordan means…nothing, because it’s a Hebrew word. Jordan and Israel were colonized by Britain who named the entire land “British Mandate of Palestine”. Palestine in Arabic means…nothing, it’s not an Arabic word, which explains why Arabs can’t pronounce it. That’s why they say “Falastine”. The majority of people who live in Jordan are today’s Palestinians. The country, however, is ruled by Saudis (the Hashemites). Before Israel was re established, the area known as Israel and the area known as Jordan was all called The British Mandate of Palestine. That means, if YOU believe Israel is Palestine, then Jordan IS Palestine!!! And if Jordan is Palestine, you have a Free Palestine and it’s 400% bigger than Israel! Moving forward, we are declaring Jordan, Palestine. You’re welcome! (The map below shows how big the British Mandate of Palestine was).
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How To Tell If Your Girlfriend Is A Spy:
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How To Tell If Your Girlfriend Is A Spy:
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CBC Kids News is teaching children about complaints that the red poppy focuses “too much on soldiers” and can be perceived as “glorifying war.” Too much focus on soldiers. Around Remembrance Day. Let that sink in. Then comes the colour guide: White - Peace and remembrance of all war victims, including civilians. Black - Contributions of Black, African, Caribbean and Pacific Island communities. Purple - Animals harmed in war. Rainbow - Discussed in connection with LGBTQ remembrance,. The Legion disagrees with the criticism of the red poppy. But why turn a shared symbol of sacrifice into another identity debate for children? Those who served didn’t need matching identities to stand together. We don’t need separate colours to remember them.
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