The depths of moral depravity are almost beyond comprehension. In a recent public audio discussion, Hermela Brook (@ConnectiveStrat) appeared to relish reports of #Amhara babies and mothers killed in drone strikes, dismissing those mourning the children as merely “crying and whining,” and questioning what else they expected. To hear such callousness expressed in the company of other women is astounding. What level of bestiality reduces the massacre of innocent babies to an occasion for gleeful conversation? No political allegiance or ethnic identity can justify celebrating the slaughter of children. We remember these words. We document them. And we insist that those responsible for attacks on civilians face justice through due process. Impunity must meet its fate on the altar of justice. @UNHumanRights @UN_HRC @UN @amnesty @hrw @Defenseurdroits #AmharaGenocide

Just for the record

The Making of Abiy Ahmed: Scandals and Patronage of the most deranged and blood thirsty leader Ethiopians have ever witnessed! (Gleaned from Tom Gardner, The Abiy Project: God, Power and War in the New Ethiopia) Failed Education: Abiy Ahmed never completed high school, preventing university admission and reflecting a modest academic foundation before his political ascent. Political Indoctrination: As a young OPDO recruit, he underwent months of EPRDF political training steeped in Leninist theory and nationalist revisionism, shaping his early ideological outlook. Army Misconduct: While stationed in Wollega, he developed a reputation for reckless behavior—riding motorcycles, drinking, and chewing khat—prompting disciplinary concern. Womanizing Allegations: Persistent rumors of romantic entanglements began during his military years, tarnishing his personal reputation. Near Expulsion: Nearly expelled from the army for misconduct, he was saved by his personal charm and influential patrons, an early sign of his political maneuvering. Rwanda Peacekeeping Mission: Briefly served in the UN peacekeeping mission after the Rwandan genocide, where he reportedly boasted about being admired by a French woman, hinting at an early sense of grandiosity. Religious Mediation Role: Later assigned to mediate Christian–Muslim tensions in his hometown, portraying himself as a reconciler while building local credibility. Alliance with Abadula Gemeda: Formed a critical mentorship with OPDO founder Abadula Gemeda, who became his protector and political sponsor. Personal Scandal: Allegedly fathered a child with a relative of Abadula while living in his home, deepening his dependence on political patronage. Rapid and Unmerited Rise: Despite lacking qualifications, Abiy ascended swiftly to lieutenant colonel through Abadula’s influence, cultivating the charisma and opportunism that later defined his rule. @NeaminZeleke @AndargachewTse2 @abbygedam @AdebabayMedia @EmishawEskedar @AwassaTeddy @Eritrea_1st @AbiyuBerlie

The Jar of Needles: Historical Memory, Grievance Politics, and the Amhara Question One of the most revealing aspects of contemporary Ethiopian politics is not simply disagreement over history, but the transmission of historical narratives across generations. In a recent discussion of General Tsadkan’s new book, Abebech Kahasay and Araya Tesfamariam, two Ethiopian journalists of Tigrayan origin, offer an unusually candid critique of what they describe as the TPLF’s enduring political culture. Their argument is not directed at the people of Tigray, but at a political tradition that, in their view, continues to frame war and inherited grievance as central organizing principles. The most striking example is the story of the “jar of needles.” As recounted in the discussion, generations of TPLF leaders were told that during the reign of Emperor Menelik, “አንድ ገንቦ ሙሉ መርፌ ከትግራይ ሕዝብ ተሰብስቦ ወደ ሸዋ ተወስዶ ነበር፣ የትግራይ ሕዝብ ቀዳዳ ልብሱን እንኳን እንዳይሰፋ።” (“An entire jar of needles was collected from the people of Tigray and taken to Shoa so that the people of Tigray could not even mend their torn clothes.”) The journalists go on to state that this same narrative resurfaced during the recent Northern Ethiopian War as propaganda used to mobilize young people, repeating the message: “እዚህ ድረስ ነው ሸዋ የበደለን፣ እዚህ ድረስ ነው አማራ የበደለን።” (“This is how far Shoa has wronged us; this is how far the Amhara have wronged us.”) One of the speakers then asks a haunting question: “ምን ዓይነት በሽታ ነው? … ይህ መርዘኝነት?” (“What kind of disease is this? … This poisonous mentality?”) Whether one accepts or rejects the historical accuracy of this particular story, the discussion is significant because it comes from journalists from Tigray reflecting critically on the political culture of the TPLF itself. It also illustrates a broader challenge for Ethiopia: when historical memory is repeatedly framed through collective grievance and directed toward a single community, it becomes extraordinarily difficult to build trust, shared citizenship, and a peaceful political future. Breaking that cycle requires confronting inherited narratives honestly while refusing to pass them uncritically to the next generation. The timing makes the discussion particularly striking. During the Northern Ethiopian War, Ethiopia’s federal government was led by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, while the country’s senior political and security leadership was not drawn from the Amhara community. Yet, according to the journalists’ account, historical grievances continued to be framed primarily in terms of “Shoa” and “Amhara.” This raises an important question: if the conflict was fundamentally between the TPLF leadership and a federal government that many critics describe as being dominated by Oromo political elites and influenced by OLF narratives, why did narratives of collective blame continue to focus on the Amhara? The question becomes even more significant in light of the public testimony of former Ethiopian official #Taye_Dendea, who stated in a recorded interview, before his imprisonment, that Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed had declared, “I am going to destroy the Amhara.” Similar accounts have since been echoed by other former senior Oromo officials who later left Ethiopia. Readers are, of course, free to examine those interviews, many of which I have previously shared, and reach their own conclusions. In my view, this reflects a deeper political pattern in which the Amhara people continue to serve as the principal historical reference point for accumulated grievances, despite the changing composition of state power. Tragically, the Amhara also paid an enormous human cost during the Northern Ethiopian War bearing the greatest brunt, making this persistent attribution of collective responsibility all the more significant. @UN_HRC @UNHumanRights @David_J_Simon